Using National Healthcare Safety Network data, an interrupted time series of intravenous antimicrobial starts (IVAS) among hemodialysis patients was performed. Annual adjusted rates decreased by 6.64% (January 2012–March 2020) and then further decreased by 8.91% until December 2021. IVAS incidence trends have decreased since 2012, including during the early COVID-19 pandemic.

Despite a trend of increasing multilevel government across the globe, there are surprisingly few studies on public support for decisions taken by different government levels. Decentralization is likely to boost government support because it increases congruence between citizens and their representatives. We argue that citizens’ preferences for subnational authority are key for their willingness to accept governmental decisions. Citizens who prefer decentralization are more supportive of subnational decisions, and their support for national decisions increases when subnational governments are involved in the decision-making process. We fielded a survey that asked 1,855 Norwegian respondents their willingness to accept decisions taken by their municipality, county, and national government to close an educational institution in their municipality. We find substantial empirical evidence for our hypotheses. Norway is a least-likely-case because government tiers enjoy high levels of trust. Therefore, the results have also important implications for the legitimacy of multilevel government in other countries.

How do the effects of climate regulation on businesses impact public attitudes toward climate policy? While emissions intensity is the primary frame for understanding the effects of climate policy on business, theoretical scholarship and public discourse often emphasize that large firms will adjust to climate regulations easily while smaller firms will struggle. Because small businesses are sympathetic and large firms are unpopular, individuals who view climate regulation’s effects in line with this firm size account should be less likely to support climate change mitigation. To test this theory, we conduct an original survey of climate policy beliefs and then a survey experiment. We find evidence that distaste for large corporations increases opposition to climate action among people exposed to the idea that big companies can more easily navigate climate regulations than small companies. This work contributes to the literature on moral political economy and on the enduring difficulty of enacting effective climate change regulation within the United States.

In this paper, I discuss dual collective action problems in which a resource pool has simultaneous common pool and public good aspects in its usage, such as hunting (consumption) and conservation of wildlife. I then implement laboratory experiments to evaluate how spillovers between the two related uses of nature affect the consumption and conservation habits of stakeholders. The Nash predictions suggest that even the most selfish of profit-maximizing agents have an incentive to provide equally towards resource consumption and conservation when resource spillovers are present. Results from laboratory experiments are consistent with this hypothesis. As a policy intervention, I introduced and later revoked a common pool licensing policy based on U.S. hunting and fishing licensing. Under the same theoretical framework, removing a common pool licensing policy would increase welfare for all resource stakeholders. Contrary to this, experimental evidence indicates no overall change in welfare.

We revisit the nonconsensual econometric works – although the natural resource curse may have flourished – on the relationship between natural resources and economic performance. We first question the two terms of the relationship. We consider the role of institutions (separately and in interaction with the variable of interest) and of a number of usual or new control variables (income inequality and current account). The model, based on development accounting, is tested using four econometric techniques on the full sample (130 countries, 1990–2019) and by sub-samples according to per capita income, illustrating the non-linearity of the relationship. Three stylized facts emerge: first, the overall results converge towards a strong blessing of resource rents on GDP per capita. This can be explained mainly by the role of these rents in countries with very high GDP per capita. Second, institutional variables significantly mitigate the negative effect or reinforce the positive effect of these resources on development. Finally, among the categories of resources considered, it is the oil rent that favors this strong natural resource blessing. The effects of the observed categories may offset each other. Detailed analyses of estimation’s results in sub-samples and articulated with the results of the full sample are also proposed.

We prove several results showing that every locally finite Borel graph whose large-scale geometry is ‘tree-like’ induces a treeable equivalence relation. In particular, our hypotheses hold if each component of the original graph either has bounded tree-width or is quasi-isometric to a tree, answering a question of Tucker-Drob. In the latter case, we moreover show that there exists a Borel quasi-isometry to a Borel forest, under the additional assumption of (componentwise) bounded degree. We also extend these results on quasi-treeings to Borel proper metric spaces. In fact, our most general result shows treeability of countable Borel equivalence relations equipped with an abstract wallspace structure on each class obeying some local finiteness conditions, which we call a proper walling. The proof is based on the Stone duality between proper wallings and median graphs (i.e., CAT(0) cube complexes). Finally, we strengthen the conclusion of treeability in these results to hyperfiniteness in the case where the original graph has one (selected) end per component, generalizing the same result for trees due to Dougherty–Jackson–Kechris.

This article provides a global ranking of research productivity of political science departments. We collected data on 115,427 articles and 12,696 books—written in both English and other languages—from 5,586 faculty members in 178 departments in North America, Europe, Asia, Latin America, Oceania, and Africa. Departments are ranked in terms of citations to articles published by faculty members, impact factors of journals in which they published, and number of top publications in which they published. Results are presented for overall and more recent research productivity.

Beginning in the late 1990s, a debate emerged whether Edmund Burke might be read as a significant critic of empire because of his impeachment of Warren Hastings. The debate that ensued, I argue in this article, revealed ambiguities and paradoxes in the category of anti-imperialism. Rather than imperialism and anti-imperialism representing a clean binary, anti-imperial projects, events, and figures may embody the very sorts of politics that many disciplinary debates about anti-imperialism wish to critique. Foregrounding “anti-imperialism” in the history of political thought, I conclude, may obfuscate as much as it illuminates—even when examining the twentieth-century experience of decolonization.

Although ample research links social factors and suicidality, there remains a gap in understanding how distinct processes within social communication relate to suicidality. We demonstrate how reciprocity of eye-gaze and facial expressions of happiness differ during parent-adolescent conflict based on adolescents’ future suicidal ideation (SI). Facial affect analyses were based on 103 girls (ages 11–13; M = 12.28; 75% White) and their parents. Eye-gaze analyses were conducted in subset of these dyads (N = 70). Participants completed a conflict discussion during which gaze to their partners’ eyes was assessed using mobile eye-tracking glasses and facial affect was coded using FaceReader Observer XT. Adolescents’ SI was assessed 12-months later. Actor-partner interdependence models tested whether participants’ gaze and affect predicted their own and their partners’ gaze and affect one second later and if these intra and interpersonal dynamics differed based on adolescents’ future levels of SI. Girls from dyads with less parental reciprocity of eye-gaze and happiness reported higher levels of SI 12-months later. During early adolescence, girls whose parents reciprocate their eye-contact or positive affect less during conflict may be at heightened risk for SI. If replicated, social communication could provide a promising intervention target to reduce suicidality prospectively.

This article uses the literature on subnational undemocratic regimes (SURs) and regime juxtaposition in Latin America to gain analytical leverage on the recent process of subnational democratic erosion in the United States. Based on a review of five key dimensions of federalism, we argue that the institutional landscape for the emergence and continuity of SURs is, comparatively speaking, more favorable in the US than in any of Latin America’s three federations (Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico). In addition to showing how federal structures are more detrimental for subnational democracy in the US, we assess how the two main theoretical approaches that have been developed to understand SURs in Latin America and elsewhere can be applied to the US.

Antenatal steroids (ANS) are one of the most widely prescribed medications in pregnancy, being administered to women at risk of preterm delivery. In the setting of preterm delivery at or below 35 weeks’ gestation, systematic review data show ANS reduce perinatal morbidity and mortality, primarily by promoting fetal lung maturation. However, with the expanding use of this intervention has come a growing appreciation for the potential off-target, adverse effects of ANS therapy on wider fetal development. We undertook a narrative literature review of the animal and clinical literature to assess current evidence for adverse effects of ANS exposure and fetal development. This review presents a summary of the evidence relating to the potential for wide-ranging, off-target, adverse effects of ANS therapy on fetal development and programming. We highlight an urgent need for further animal and clinical studies investigating the effects of ANS on the fetal immune, cardiovascular, renal and hepatic systems given a current sparsity of evidence. We also strongly suggest an emphasis on open disclosure, discussion and education of clinicians and patients with regard to the potential benefits and risks of ANS therapy, particularly in late preterm and term gestations where infants derive relatively few benefits from these drugs. We also propose further studies on the optimisation of ANS therapy through improved patient selection and improved dosing regimens based on a pharmacokinetic-pharmacodynamic informed understanding of ANS action on the fetal lung.

Why did Meiji Japan succeed in modernizing its state apparatus while Qing China failed? According to neorealists, states respond to threats by balancing. Successful balancing requires an efficient bureaucracy to extract enough resources from society to sustain a formidable military. Yet not all states are equal when it comes to modernizing. We argue that a state’s ability to adopt best practices depends on its past position in the international system. States suffering from a longstanding material weakness will tend to adopt new practices from abroad more quickly than states that have enjoyed a dominant position for a long time. Embeddedness decides whether or not the state perceives its model’s crisis. Therefore, we propose a theory of neorealist imitation success or failure that counts three variables: embeddedness as the independent variable, political leadership’s willingness to adopt best practices, and elite cohesion as intervening variables.