Over Bastille Day weekend in July of 1792, nine Irish harpers gathered at the Belfast Assembly Rooms. Their performances of traditional Irish music were heard by a mostly appreciative audience and transcribed by Edward Bunting (1773–1843), a young Anglican church musician from Armagh, whose long and distinguished career of collecting Irish music began that weekend. This article corrects the common misconception that this event, which has come to be known as the 1792 Belfast Harp Festival, was organised by the United Irishmen. It suggests instead that manifestations of Welsh and Scottish cultural and musical nationalism — specifically the eisteddfod and Scots musical museum — were the true antecedents to the Belfast Harp Festival.

I first interviewed Stanley N. Katz in the fall of 2020. I had returned to teaching after a fellowship year at Princeton University with the Program in Law and Public Affairs. That year was interrupted by the outbreak of COVID-19, which drove me home to Vermont from New Jersey—but not before I had the opportunity to present my research on the New York State-based origins of the constitutional abortion rights ultimately endorsed in Roe v. Wade. Katz confirmed my sense of the importance of the late-1960s and early-1970s New York story, and more general emphasis on the state-level and statutory origins of Roe, by commenting that when he was teaching at the University of Chicago Law School, advocates of expanded abortion access like himself looked to New York as the model for what they might be able to achieve in Illinois. “We never,” he said, “expected the Supreme Court to bail us out.”1

Fosterage was widely practised in Ireland in the Middle Ages. It even survived in some form in certain parts of the country into the nineteenth century. The institution was highly regulated in the medieval period. It is the purpose of this article to consider the nature of fosterage and the role of the foster mother. Central to a better understanding of childcare arrangements at the time, and to the bonds which developed from them, are the questions of the age at which fosterage began and of whether or not wet-nursing commonly occurred. It will be argued that custody of infants from a very early age was much more common than has often been supposed and that wet nurses were frequently necessary, and well respected, participants in the upbringing of foster children.

This article rethinks the early Reformation in Ireland by approaching Henrician politics and sovereignty as problems of Christian moral order. Focusing on treason and dissimulation as age-old signs of moral perfidy that became emblematic of a stubborn attachment to Rome, it shows how after the Kildare Rebellion, both re-oriented English-Irish factional rivalries within a Reformation key by demarcating the ‘true subject’ from dissident persons and conducts. Both, in short, were now volatile loci of embattled Tudor and papal sovereignties. Key here were Lord Deputy Leonard Grey and the bogeymen of post-Reformation Henrician order: the Geraldines and friars he was accused of supporting. The article shows how Grey’s position as the late earl of Kildare’s brother-in-law and surrogate allowed a discourse of treason and dissimulation to crystallise in the factional opposition to his rule and into a distinctly early Reformation polemic. Out of struggles between royalists and ‘papists’ there emerged the newly polarised terms of Henrician order: cast as the enemy of the king’s ‘true subjects’, Grey died a traitor’s death in 1541 as the purported leader of the ‘Geraldine and papistical traitorous sect’. The early Reformation thus witnessed a distinctly Henrician and preconfessional polarisation of political life in Ireland.

Soon after the Irish Civil War (1922–3), the Irish Free State government introduced the first Army Pensions Act (1923). This act compensated the dependants of deceased republican combatants of the 1916 Easter Rising and War of Independence (1919–21) and those of National Army soldiers during the civil war. In Northern Ireland, the government’s hostility towards republicanism complicated the development and adjudication of military service pension claims and imbued the process with considerable personal risk. This article, drawing on 237 dependant pension files from Northern Ireland, centres on the practical and subjective experience of the pension claim process that was, for many, characterised by complications and the threat of state interference that weighed heavily on claimants. It further examines the ad hoc character of the dependant claim assessment process in the north and what dependant letters — underpinned by economic and political grievances — reveal about their attitudes to life in Northern Ireland.

In March 1874, Christopher Rafferty was buried in Calvary Catholic Cemetery in Chicago. He had been executed for the shooting of police officer Patrick O’Meara two years previously. It took three trials for Rafferty’s death sentence to be carried out and, in that time, his class, criminality and masculinity were discussed in newspaper columns across the United States. While alluded to in life, it was only in death that his Irishness became the focus of reporting. This article uses Christopher Rafferty’s murder of fellow Irishman Patrick O’Meara to explore newspaper representations of ethnicity, class and criminality in 1870s Chicago. It argues that community mourning rituals deemed to be particularly ‘Irish’ were central to Rafferty being transformed from a petty criminal from the South Side of Chicago to an Irish-American in the press. Focusing on Christopher Rafferty and Patrick O’Meara, this article contributes to discussions on the shifting ways that identity is understood and presented in different contexts. It examines newspaper coverage to consider the ways that ethnic stereotypes were used and discarded depending on the law-and-order priorities of the day.

This paper develops and defends a non-utilitarian interpretation of John Harsanyi’s social aggregation theorem and sum of vNM utilities approach. On this interpretation, vNM utilities transform an independently available cardinal measure of fully comparable individual well-being. The resulting proposal for ranking well-being distributions – the Risk-Priority View – is not welfare-anonymous and can favour a smaller increase in well-being for one individual rather than a larger increase in well-being for another, equally well-off individual. I argue here that such counterintuitive implications can be defended, and that impartiality can still be secured through the imposition of an alternative, interprofile anonymity axiom.

Drawing on Agamben’s notion of “bare life” and Fassin’s critique of “humanitarian reason,” this article asks when refugees become recognizable as fully human in Turkish news discourse. It analyzes a simple random sample of 2,285 migration-related news items published in eight national newspapers between 2011 and 2020 through qualitative content analysis, and complements this with a close reading of sixty items that cluster around positive/humanitarian storytelling. Overall coverage is largely massifying and predominantly negative in tone; framing is dominated by threat–security–control (40 percent) alongside a substantial humanitarian–moral frame (32 percent). The paper’s main contribution is to identify and theorize three recurring “good refugee” figures: (1) the vulnerable woman/child; (2) the heroic young man; and (3) the talented/entrepreneurial refugee whose exceptional skills and achievements are foregrounded. The paper argues that these figures do not merely individualize refugees; they also function as privileged sites where Turkish nationhood is narrated as compassionate, modern, and sovereign – while “ordinary” refugees remain outside the horizon of unconditional humanity and rights. The article argues that humanization strategies may backfire, ultimately eliminating individual subjectivity and agency. The article critiques the news items’ compassionate, patronizing, and moralizing tone, highlighting the urgent need to politicize and historicize the issue.

While pedagogical translanguaging (PT) has gained prominence as an approach for bridging learners’ multilingual repertoires and monolingual teaching paradigms, secondary English as a Foreign Language (EFL) contexts remain underexamined, particularly following recent shifts in classroom diversity. This systematic review synthesizes 25 empirical studies of PT in secondary EFL education published between January 2023 and August 2025. Based on Reflexive Thematic Analysis, four interconnected themes were identified: (1) barriers to PT implementation due to structural, ideological, and teacher preparation constraints within institutional environments; (2) pedagogical rationales that integrate cognitive, affective, and sociocultural justifications; (3) observable classroom practices organized by pedagogical function, revealing strategic deployment of more-enabled and less-enabled languages; and (4) learning outcomes across cognitive, affective, and sociocultural domains. These themes reveal a fundamental tension: although translanguaging proves pragmatically necessary for effective EFL teaching, it remains systematically unsupported at the institutional level. Teachers justify and enact sophisticated multilingual practices, but without formal preparation, they tend to implement PT covertly within unsupportive structures, relying on knowledge that remains tacit and difficult to share. The review shows that PT has outpaced institutional recognition, calling for systems that treat it as professional expertise rather than tolerated improvisation.

During 1864–1869, Charles Hall led an expedition seeking answers to what happened to the 1845 Northwest Passage Expedition of Sir John Franklin. Hall recovered relics from the expedition and their history from the Inuit. This analysis correlates Hall’s records with the relics now housed at the Smithsonian Institution and those that Hall gave to others. Forty-six of the 83 relics catalogued in Hall’s “Part of List Sir John Franklin Relics” notebook were identified. Many of these were correlated with a 1869 contemporary illustration appearing in Harper’s Weekly magazine. We learn that the collection likely represented what was of value to the Inuit as Hall traded for the majority of the relics. Among these, Hall gave away nearly all relics connected to individuals participating in the Franklin Expedition, except for some cutlery belonging to Sir John Franklin. Hall’s efforts provided the first evidence of materials scavenged from the expedition ships themselves. It remains unclear why Hall donated as many relics as he did to the Smithsonian for similar materials were used for fundraising in the past. This suggests he did not plan to return to the Arctic to seek the Franklin Expedition or he had additional relics not yet located.

This paper shows how the Greater Manchester Museum of Science and Industry (GMMSI) was shaped by actors’ experiences with the history of science and technology. The museum began under the leadership of scientist–historians at the University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology (UMIST) in the 1960s, where it was uniquely positioned to reflect contemporary histories of science, particularly framed around the concept of revolutions. This academic framing converged with long-held civic aspirations for a science museum in the city and cemented Manchester’s historiographic position as the ‘first industrial city’. Vivian Bowden, UMIST’s principal, also explicitly aimed to educate future scientists whom he believed were key to overcoming the region’s economic challenges. What is striking in this process is how perceptions of the past and contemporary views were integrated with vehement northern independence and determination to form a ‘museum to rival South Kensington’. This paper concludes with the GMMSI’s early 1980s relocation to Liverpool Road Station, where the museum became a wholly civic affair, beyond academia. Despite these changes, the belief that the past had a place in the education of future scientists laid the foundations for the later integration of an interactive science centre gallery in the 1980s.

This article examines a controversy over a nuclear-energy gallery at the Science Museum, London, in the early 1980s. It uses this case to explore the wider politicization of museums at this time, and thus the politicization of the display of science and technology. It argues that cultural changes in train since the 1960s, coupled with a museological turn towards ‘social history’ as the proper vehicle for exhibiting science and technology, led to the museum becoming newly subject to widespread critical scrutiny. That scrutiny had contradictory effects. On the one hand, it reinforced the image of the museum as a bastion of official culture and knowledge. On the other, it undermined this image, by exposing the ideological nature of the museum’s authority. This double movement laid the groundwork for the crisis of confidence that culminated in the ‘New Museology’ of the later part of the decade. Attending to this controversy thus suggests a need to revise prevailing scholarship on the ‘politics of display’, which often takes for granted an overly straightforward connection between museums and power.