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It has been observed that many languages exhibit a semantic, syntactic, or morphological correlation between the direct objects of transitive verbs and the surface subjects of certain inactive intransitives. The Unaccusative Hypothesis (UH) proposes, within the framework of Relational Grammar, that final subjects of this type are initial direct objects. This paper shows that several morphological and syntactic processes in Georgian refer to just these nominals, thus supporting the UH. It further shows that, although the semantic relations of nominals to verbs is not irrelevant, those morphological and syntactic processes which refer to initial direct objects cannot be stated simply on the basis of semantics.
The century-old failure of historical linguistics to discover regularities of semantic change comparable to those in phonological change, as described by Grassmann or Grimm, has forced us to entertain as ‘semantic laws’ proposals that express mere tendencies, or are so restricted to a particular time, language, or narrow inventory, that the ‘law’ is indistinguishable from a description of a discrete historical event. But in the lexical field of English adjectives referring to sensory experience, there has been a continuing semantic change so regular, so enduring, and so inclusive that its description may be the strongest generalization in diachronic semantics reported for English or any other language. On the basis of very similar evidence from Indo-European cognates and from Japanese, the possibility exists that the regularity described here might characterize more than just these languages. It qualifies as a testable hypothesis in regard to future semantic change in any language.