How does politics affect, and possibly distort, how resources are allocated? I show that where the federal government provides public goods and financial assistance depends not only on who has power within Congress but also on the characteristics of their constituents. In a federal system like the United States, the central government provides resources by allocating grants to subnational governments based on demographic characteristics. Thus, to maximize funding for their states, members of Congress must also distribute funding to states with similar characteristics. Using panel data on education spending and a difference-in-differences design, I demonstrate that grants disproportionately benefit states represented by Senate committee chairs, but this benefit spills over to similar states. However, I find no evidence of committee influence over grants in the House. These findings contribute to our understanding of distributive politics and shed light on the consequences of allocating resources within a federal system.

For $s\in [\tfrac {1}{2},\, 1)$, let $u$ solve $(\partial _t - \Delta )^s u = Vu$ in $\mathbb {R}^{n} \times [-T,\, 0]$ for some $T>0$ where $||V||_{ C^2(\mathbb {R}^n \times [-T, 0])} < \infty$. We show that if for some $0<\mathfrak {K} < T$ and $\epsilon >0$

\[ {\unicode{x2A0D}}-_{[-\mathfrak{K},\, 0]} u^2(x, t) {\rm d}t \leq Ce^{-|x|^{2+\epsilon}}\ \forall x \in \mathbb{R}^n, \]

$u \equiv 0$

$\mathbb {R}^{n} \times [-T,\, 0]$

The formation of iron-rich phyllosilicates can occur at different natural or engineered settings. In this study, the influence of pH in the hydrothermal synthesis of iron-rich phyllosilicates was investigated in the pH range 8.50–12.10 after the ageing of the precursor. The synthesized samples were characterized by powder X-ray diffraction, Raman and Mössbauer spectroscopies and transmission electron microscopy. Three domains of pH were identified, and these correlated with silica availability and its speciation in the solution. The formation of 1:1-type FeIII/FeII phyllosilicate was observed between pH 9.67 and 10.75. Above pH 10.75, two types of phyllosilicate-like mineral phases were observed. In addition to 1:1-type FeIII/FeII phyllosilicate, 2:1-type FeIII/FeII phyllosilicate was observed. Below pH 9.67, mainly amorphous silica and iron oxides were observed. The findings show that pH governed the crystallinity and nature of the obtained phyllosilicate-like phases.

Despite the Supreme Court’s lack of direct electoral accountability, voters may factor its outputs into their voting decisions because elected representatives can affect the Court’s powers and composition. In this paper, we uncover an ironic predicament that faces candidates running on reforming this institution. Citizens who possess higher levels of diffuse support for the Court are more likely to rank it as an important factor in their voting logic. But because this diffuse support has sorted along partisan lines, candidate messaging about reform may not motivate partisans who have lost support for the Court because they view it as less important than other pressing issues. Thus, although Democrats are sympathetic to reform, Democratic candidates may have weak incentives to promote reform given low levels of diffuse support among their constituents. This dynamic mitigates against the possibility of a public or congressional backlash against the Court, preserving the status quo.

The innovation value of open government data (OGD) drives firms to the participation in OGD-driven innovation. However, to fully excavate the innovation value of OGD for firms, it is essential to explore the factors and mechanisms that affect OGD-driven innovation capacity. On the basis of the technology–organization–environment (TOE) framework, a theoretical model affecting OGD-driven innovation capacity is proposed for analysis by partial least squares structural equation modeling with 236 sample data from China. The results indicate that top leaders’ support positively impacts on OGD-driven innovation capacity in firms. And we also prove that technical competence, organizational arrangement, and innovation support partially mediate the relationship between top leaders’ support and OGD-driven innovation capacity on the basis of the TOE framework. Consequently, the findings provide new research perspectives and practical guidance for promoting OGD-driven innovation capacity in firms.

This paper discusses the implications of organizational control on the race for technological leadership in merchant empires. I provide an illustrative framework in which poor organizations have reduced incentives to invest, which in turn stifle technology improvements making leaders lag new entrants. In the late sixteenth century, Portugal’s large ships carried more merchandise and were more fitting of the monarch’s grandiose preferences, but they also were more prone to disaster. The merchant-controlled Dutch East India Company however, invested in smaller but more seaworthy vessels conducting more voyages at a much lower loss rate. The surviving historical evidence shows Portugal relying on large ships well into the seventeenth century suggesting her technological edge was gone by the time the Dutch dominated the Indian Ocean.

The aim of the present paper is to derive effective discrepancy estimates for the distribution of rational points on general semisimple algebraic group varieties, in general families of subsets and at arbitrarily small scales. We establish mean-square, almost sure and uniform estimates for the discrepancy with explicit error bounds. We also prove an analogue of W. Schmidt's theorem, which establishes effective almost sure asymptotic counting of rational solutions to Diophantine inequalities in the Euclidean space. We formulate and prove a version of it for rational points on the group variety, with an effective bound which in some instances can be expected to be the best possible.

Zoonoses are infectious agents that are transmissible between animals and humans. Up to 60% of known infectious diseases and 75% of emergent diseases are zoonotic. Genomic variation between homeostatic populations provides a novel window into the effect of environmental pathogens on allelic distributions within the populations. Genodynamics is a biophysical approach utilizing developed metrics on biallelic single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) that can be used to quantify the adaptive influences due to pathogens. A genomic free energy that is minimized when overall population health is optimized describes the influence of environmental agents upon genomic variation. A double-blind exploration of over 100 thousand SNPs searching for smooth functional dependencies upon four zoonotic pathogens carried by four possible hosts amidst populations that live in their ancestral environments has been conducted. Exemplars that infectious agents can have significant adaptive influence on human populations are presented. One discussed SNP is likely associated with both adaptive and innate immune regulation. The adaptive response of another SNP suggests an intriguing connection between zoonoses and human cancers. The adaptive forces of the presented pathogens upon the human genome have been quantified.

Where exactly did Hegel go wrong on race? Moellendorf helpfully tells us that Hegel's treatment of race begins systematically in the Philosophy of Subjective Spirit and that he went wrong philosophically in the use of the biological category of race. This is basically correct but requires precisification. This article considers why Hegel's category of race is not unambiguously biological. Race's biological status can be problematized from the standpoint of contemporary biology and from the standpoint of Hegel's system. The textual placement of Hegel's systematic discussion of race in the philosophy of spirit makes clear that Hegel conceived of race in spiritual terms. Hegel took race to be a biospiritual category. Hegel was clearly committed to the now-controversial proposition that there is such a thing as human biological race, that there is a plurality of biological human races. He regarded race as a robust natural kind. His preferred list of races includes Caucasians, Negros, Mongolian, Malaysians and Americans. One noteworthy feature of his understanding of race's physical aspect was his focus on the formation of the skull and the face. At the same time, he clearly held that there were other deeper physical differences that accounted for the spiritual differences of race. Hegel was perfectly clear that race has a spiritual as well as physical aspect. He held that that the members of racial groups essentially shared certain fundamental, heritable, moral, intellectual and cultural characteristics with one another that they did not share with members of any other race and that these differences were such as to support an objective ranking. This shows that Hegel took the category of race to be the sort of category we today would characterize as ‘racialist’. Hegel's concept of race was the racialist concept of race.

The United States is in a time of reckoning with whiteness. Despite white people benefiting from a disproportionate amount of power at every level of government, a significant racial wealth gap, preferential treatment in the legal system, and a rise in white supremacy, “colorblind” critics continue to argue against the relevance of race in a purportedly post-racial society. We assert that parents’ ethnic-racial socialization (ERS) of their children shapes how children view their racial identity and thus influence important political attitudes. ERS is a process by which individuals are taught values, beliefs, and attitudes about ethnicity and race. Most existing research among families of color suggests ERS is strongly linked to a variety of adult political attitudes. However, less is known about the impact of ERS on political attitudes for white young adults. Drawing on survey data from a national U.S. sample of 944 white, young adults (18–25 years old), we find that white ERS is linked with political attitudes. Specifically, we find that increased cultural socialization, preparation for bias, and egalitarianism are positively related to politically conservative ideology, while anti-racism is positively related to politically liberal ideology. Preparation for bias and egalitarianism are positively related to Republican party identification. Promotion of mistrust, silent racial socialization, and anti-racism are positively related to Democratic party affiliation. We suggest ERS impacts the way a person conceptualizes ethnicity and race and is inextricably linked to political outcomes.