From the fifth century onward, the creation of monumental ‘Big’ Buddhas (dafo 大佛), carved from living rock, became a significant cultural and religious phenomenon across Asia. This paper takes the Sichuan Basin as a case study, given its high concentration of rock-carved religious (RCR) sites. Notably, the number of monumental Buddha sculptures in the region increased significantly between 700 and 1200 ce. This paper examines the extent to which the construction of these Big Buddhas represents the appropriation of Buddhist RCR sites by non-local political and religious elites as a form of social control, and it is herein proposed that these social and religious elites commissioned and maintained such projects to reinforce authority and integrate local religious practices into institutional Buddhism. Since the construction of Big Buddhas required vast resources, labour and coordination, this paper examines those Big Buddhas which were left unfinished in order to understand the criteria for both success and failure, while also considering how these sculptures, as acts of social appropriation, mediated between the mundane and the divine, the imperial periphery and the centre, functioning as both spiritual symbols and political instruments.

Prefigurative practices aim to foreshadow the more just society a radical political transformation would bring. So far, there has been little attention for the possibility of prefigurative legal practices. Perhaps the assumption is that prefigurative law is a contradiction in terms. Given the law’s structural complicity in social oppression, marginalisation, and exploitation, how can it ever be part of the solution? The idea of a prefigurative EU law may seem even more absurd. The EU and its laws are deeply entangled with capitalism, racism, imperialism, and premature deaths at its borders. Surely, EU law is beyond repair? But is it? This article suggests the opposite. It argues that a radically different EU law could become a source of hope for a society without structural oppression and marginalisation. Most concretely, it proposes to occupy the European Commission’s recent plans for a 28th legal regime. To this end, it shows how the Commission’s idea of a deregulatory sandbox could be turned into a prefigurative proposal, foreshadowing the legal non-regime for a radically horizontal European society without borders.

European Union (EU) consumer law is rather one-size-fits-all, meaning that it largely disregards differences between consumers and their protection needs. Consequently, there is underprotection, which can not only harm the internal market but is also at odds with the EU’s commitment to ensuring a high level of consumer protection. To be able to propose directions for improving the differentiation between consumers in EU consumer law, this paper answers the question of how the differentiation between consumers is currently operationalised and how that results in underprotection. Building on, among others, Black’s regulatory theory of the nature of legal rules, it is argued that a legal rule’s level of differentiation depends on how accurately its application conditions predict the situations in which it should apply, considering its aim. Through the application of this theoretical framework, it is argued that it is not just EU consumer law’s status-based application conditions that disregard individual differences between consumers. EU consumer law’s fact-based and norm-based application conditions also do not prevent the status-based application conditions from paving the way for underprotection. In support of this argument, several bottlenecks regarding the differentiation between consumers are identified, including the use of the average consumer benchmark, the emphasis on situational fact-based application conditions, and the rather limited role of norm-based application conditions. Altogether, these findings provide several directions for improving the differentiation between consumers in EU consumer law.

In Northern Finland, including sparsely populated Finnish Lapland and the small city of Rovaniemi, the widespread clearing of old trees has degraded the boreal environment. Disrupting the diverse relationships between people and trees, climate change will continue to alter the country’s northernmost forests, as is widely known. In this urgent context, we propose that the collaborative project Gifts from the Sentient Forest (GSF) has developed new modes of interacting with Northern Finland’s trees and appreciating their biocultural legacies. At the project’s core is arboreal sentience, a concept illuminating the capacities of trees to sense, communicate, behave, learn and remember. In the project, other-than-human sentience provides a basis for cultivating tree-human communication while expanding Lapland residents’ awareness of sylvan communities through painting, photography, film, music, poetry and performance. In this article, we present an account of three methods leveraged in the GSF programme to facilitate experiences of tree sentience in Northern Finland: sensing, interviewing (speaking) and remembering.

Effectively managing coastal impacts requires understanding how hydrodynamic processes interact with beach morphology and alter sandy beaches. Sallenger’s Storm Impact Regime classification provides proxies for identifying these interactions by classifying potential coastal changes into impact regimes based on the elevation of total water levels (TWLs), the combination of waves, tides and nontidal residuals, compared to the elevation of beach morphology features. Here, we evaluate spatiotemporal variations in TWL drivers during storm impact regimes across sandy beaches along the continental U.S. coastlines. TWL magnitude and composition vary across impact regimes and regions. Although impacts are identified using consistent definitions, the processes contributing to regimes are location-specific, influencing where and how often impacts occur. Wave runup is the dominant contributor to TWLs in all regimes, but its contribution is gradually offset by increases in the nontidal residual as storm impacts intensify, despite waves becoming more energetic during storms. The Pacific and Atlantic coasts show the highest susceptibility to coastal impacts due to high average TWLs relative to morphological thresholds. Our findings identify regional differences in TWLs with potential for coastal impacts, offering critical insights into how large-scale changes in individual processes may influence local coastal hazards along open sandy coastlines.

Variability in the second language (L2) referential choice could be due to lower language proficiency in the L2 or cross-linguistic influence. We compare the L2 English referential choices of bilinguals of typologically different languages (Spanish and English, null subject and non-null subject) to those of bilinguals of typologically similar languages (Dutch and English, both non-null subject and both using pronouns similarly in the target context). Bilinguals’ performance was further compared to that of a group of functional monolingual English speakers. Both bilingual groups were highly proficient, to explore whether high proficiency would attenuate differences with monolinguals. Participants completed a picture-description task eliciting references to antecedents in two-character contexts. Performance was comparable among all three groups in all conditions—evidence that cross-linguistic influence did not play a role for bilingual referential choices. These results thus show that highly proficient bilinguals of both typologically different and similar languages can perform comparably to monolinguals.

While it is widely accepted that watching televised presidential debates helps voters stay informed about candidates and campaign issues, voters are increasingly turning to the media to learn about televised debates rather than watching them directly. Coupled with this trend is growing criticisms over presidential debates’ focus on negative attacks on opponents at the expense of policy discussions. We examine whether media outlets systematically bias the content of presidential debates, potentially amplifying their perceived negativity in presidential debates. Specifically, we theorize that the media outlets overemphasize non-policy aspects of presidential debates, because such coverage can help them draw viewer attention and is perceived to have greater news value. We further expect the continued exposure to media coverage of debates to weaken policy-related considerations in voters’ decision-making. We test these theoretical expectations using the case of the 2022 presidential election in South Korea. Using keyword-assisted topic model (keyATM), we first compare candidates’ speeches during the presidential debates with newspaper coverage of the debates. We find that non-policy topics, including personal attacks on the opponent and scandals, appeared more frequently in the newspaper coverage than in the actual debates. Next, we show that the continued exposure to media’s election coverage can reinforce voters’ tendency to base their voting decisions on non-policy issues through post-election survey data. Our findings offer significant insights into understanding media campaign coverage and its electoral significance in today’s media environment.

What drives elite capital flight into offshore destinations? While existing literature focuses on regulatory gaps or global tax competition, international bailouts themselves can catalyze elite capital flight. Specifically, we examine how two instruments of the Global Financial Safety Net (GFSN)—the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the People’s Bank of China (PBoC)’s swap lines—impact elite incentives to move wealth offshore. We develop a two-dimensional framework centered on Disbursement Control and Elite Threat Perception to theorize when and how elites extract and expatriate wealth. Using data from 201 countries between 1990 and 2018, we find that the anticipation of IMF programs increases offshore bank deposits by 14.2%, consistent with elites responding to rising threat perception. By contrast, the introduction of PBoC swap lines increases offshore deposits by 92.3%, reflecting extraction under low disbursement control, enabling moral hazard. We illustrate the core mechanisms of our argument through mini-case studies of Angola, Tajikistan, and Mongolia. Our findings reveal a structural vulnerability in the GFSN stemming from regulatory fragmentation and uncoordinated oversight.

The role of morphology in complex word acquisition was examined in Chinese (L1)–English (L2) bilinguals. Participants learned words consisting of two novel constituents, by pairing them with pictures. Items either belonged to large (torbnel, torbilm, torbla, torbiph) or small morphological families (torbilm, torbla). After training, participants completed recognition and spelling tasks with novel words that either included or excluded a trained morpheme. Results revealed robust stem-training effects, showing that items including a trained constituent were harder to reject and easier to spell than items including two untrained constituents. There was also a significant effect of morphological family size, with greater training effects for items belonging to large than small families. Effect sizes were overall smaller in L2 than in L1. These findings point to the important role of morphological structure in L2 word acquisition and suggest that large morphological family-clusters lead to better learning outcomes.

In a longue durée study of the European context from 1918 to the present day, this article critically assesses alternative modalities of self-determination proposed by two non-state, transnational actors – the Congress of European Nationalities (1925–1942) and the Federal Union of European Nationalities (established 1949). Situating the activism of these organizations within an international system that has prioritized state determination over the self-determination of peoples, the study charts their attempts to renegotiate dominant statist paradigms of minority protection and human rights, using ideals and frameworks of European integration as a guide. The analysis shows that although the rise of the European Union after 1945 created an environment far more propitious than the one that existed between the two World Wars, transnational activism has faced consistent limitations on its effectiveness, arising not just from the external machinations of states but also from internal divisions within the organizations concerned. In this respect, the study also sheds light on an enduring tension between collective and individual concepts of self-determination within contemporary Europe, demonstrated most recently by the Federal Union of European Nationalities’ failed European Citizens’ Initiative on a “Minority Safepack” during 2013–2021.

The COVID-19 pandemic intensified food insecurity (FI) and stress for many pregnant individuals, which may have contributed to adverse fetal developmental programming. This study aimed to identify key social determinants of health associated with pandemic-related FI and stress, and their association with gestational weight gain (GWG) and newborn birth weight in a Canadian pregnant cohort. Data were collected retrospectively from 273 pregnant individuals who delivered infants in Canada during the pandemic (March 2020–March 2023). Validated questionnaires were used to assess FI and pandemic-related stress, and GWG and infant birth weight were self-reported. FI was experienced by 55.7% of the participants, while 33.7% and 19.7% reported heightened stress related to COVID-19 infection and pregnancy preparedness, respectively. Participants from food-secure and food-insecure households differed significantly in parental structure, age, sexual orientation, housing status, household income, number of children in the household and pregnancy planning (all p values < 0.01). Heightened stress for both pregnancy preparedness and COVID-19 infection was also significantly associated with these same factors (all p values < 0.05) but not for age and housing status. FI and heightened stress were not associated with GWG outside the recommended range. However, significantly higher likelihood of birth weight extremes was observed with heightened COVID-19 infection-related stress (OR, 95% CI 1.50, 1.05–2.12, p = 0.02) and pregnancy preparedness-related stress (1.60, 1.10–2.31, p = 0.01), but not with FI. These findings underscore the influence of psychosocial factors on FI and stress during pregnancy, which may negatively impact infant health outcomes during the pandemic.

This study investigates whether the second language (L2) development of d/Deaf and hard of hearing (d/DHH) learners in comparison to the L2 development of hearing learners, based on the processability theory (PT) developed by Pienemann (1998, 2005) in the field of second language acquisition (SLA). Thirty-eight d/DHH and 32 hearing secondary school learners of English as a foreign language (EFL) completed a series of speaking tasks designed to elicit specific morphosyntactic structures that, according to PT, align with L2 developmental stages. Implicational scaling revealed that although d/DHH learners followed a similar developmental sequence to their peers, they displayed a noticeable delay. They also appeared to require additional time and practice to fully produce the entire target structures after reaching certain developmental stages. The results provide stronger empirical evidence for d/DHH learners’ L2 development, supporting the qualitative similarity hypothesis in the field of special education, which posits that despite quantitative delays, d/DHH learners exhibit qualitatively similar L2 development to their hearing peers.

We prove a general likely intersections theorem, a counterpart to the Zilber-Pink conjectures, under the assumption that the Ax-Schanuel property and some mild additional conditions are known to hold for a given category of complex quotient spaces definable in some fixed o-minimal expansion of the ordered field of real numbers.

For an instance of our general result, consider the case of subvarieties of Shimura varieties. Let S be a Shimura variety. Let $\pi :D \to \Gamma \backslash D = S$ realize S as a quotient of D, a homogeneous space for the action of a real algebraic group G, by the action of $\Gamma < G$, an arithmetic subgroup. Let $S' \subseteq S$ be a special subvariety of S realized as $\pi (D')$ for $D' \subseteq D$ a homogeneous space for an algebraic subgroup of G. Let $X \subseteq S$ be an irreducible subvariety of S not contained in any proper weakly special subvariety of S. Assume that the intersection of X with $\pi (gD')$ is persistently likely as g ranges through G with $\pi (gD')$ a special subvariety of S, meaning that whenever $\zeta :S_1 \to S$ and $\xi :S_1 \to S_2$ are maps of Shimura varieties (regular maps of varieties induced by maps of the corresponding Shimura data) with $\zeta $ finite, $\dim \xi \zeta ^{-1} X + \dim \xi \zeta ^{-1} \pi (gD') \geq \dim \xi S_1$. Then $X \cap \bigcup _{g \in G, \pi (g D') \text { is special }} \pi (g D')$ is dense in X for the Euclidean topology.

There has been an understanding of a disconnected relation between humans and nature in modern liberalism. The disengaged relation is closely tied to dichotomous perceptions of realities with a widening gap between humans and nature, subject and object and culture and nature. This article considers the disconnected understanding as a sense-making crisis of modernity and qualifies this as a metacrisis. Instead of the disengaged views and the dichotomous relation between humans and nature, this article claims that the relations between the human self and nature is culturally, socially and politically mediated. To elaborate on these phenomena, this paper examines the writings of two thinkers with diverse concerns: Charles Taylor and Antonio Gramsci. For Taylor, the self is mediated with nature through social imaginaries, language and reconciliation in labour. For Gramsci, the self is mediated with the natural world via common sense, socio-historical elements and work. This article argues that cultural and socio-political elements that mediate human-nature relationships are essential in environmental education.

Social scientists have quickly adopted large language models (LLMs) for their ability to annotate documents without supervised training, an ability known as zero-shot classification. However, due to their computational demands, cost, and often proprietary nature, these models are frequently at odds with open science standards. This article introduces the Political Domain Enhanced BERT-based Algorithm for Textual Entailment (DEBATE) language models: Foundation models for zero-shot, few-shot, and supervised classification of political documents. As zero-shot classifiers, the models are designed to be used for common, well-defined tasks, such as topic and opinion classification. When used in this context, the DEBATE models are not only as good as state-of-the-art LLMs at zero-shot classification, but are orders of magnitude more efficient and completely open source. We further demonstrate that the models are effective few-shot learners. With a simple random sample of 10–25 documents, they can outperform supervised classifiers trained on hundreds or thousands of documents and state-of-the-art generative models. Additionally, we release the PolNLI dataset used to train these models—a corpus of over 200,000 political documents with highly accurate labels across over 800 classification tasks.

Recent cases of government recognition, such as those concerning Libya (2011), Venezuela (2019), Afghanistan (2021), or Niger (2023), have proved controversial. The controversy partly stems from the argument that recognition of an entity that does not exercise effective control over the territory and population of a state as its government, or non-recognition of an entity that does, violates the prohibition of intervention in the internal or external affairs of other states.1 At first sight, this argument appears categorical in that it implies that an expression of recognition or non-recognition per se can violate the prohibition of intervention. However, as the recent scholarship indicates, determining the circumstances under which a recognition decision violates the prohibition is a more complicated question, requiring attention to the effects of the particular decision.2 This essay attempts to shed further light on the matter by examining it against the backdrop of recent illustrative cases. It ultimately argues that recognition should be viewed as a potential tool for intervention—dependent on the objectives a state seeks to achieve with it—rather than in and of itself being capable of amounting to impermissible intervention.