To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This explores the strike's distinctive Scottish industrial politics. The chronological focus is mainly from March to October 1984, when support for the strike among miners was generally strong, but when the broader solidarity of the labour movement in Scotland was tested by the picketing of the British Steel Corporation works at Ravenscraig and Hunterston, the coastal terminal through which strike-breaking coal passed. Against the grain of existing literature, this picketing is presented as highly rational: Ravenscraig represented a rare opportunity for the strikers to exert pressure on the government, and its closure would greatly have weakened Conservatism's already fragile position in Scotland. The head of BSC, Bob Haslam, after discussions involving government ministers, it is surmised, pressed Strathclyde Police to disperse the pickets and ensure a steady flow of coal into the plant.
The Liberal Party was the dominant party of British Government from its emergence in the 1850s until the Great War, but by the 1950s it was virtually wiped off the political map. Defections played a significant part in the decline, but until now they have never received detailed attention from historians or political analysts. The defection of a person who has served as an MP is effectively the verdict on their party at a specific date of a well-informed person with vested interests. A political defection is a significant act, which usually involves a public explanation, a severing of old links, a forging of new relationships and significant financial and career implications. In the cases of both outward and inward defectors the person must have served as an MP before the defection and at some stage the person must have served as a Liberal or Liberal Democrat MP.
The modern business corporation emerged from the medieval and chartered corporations. The medieval tradition of legal pluralism was replaced by two ‘pure’ disciplines – Law and Economics – that left no conceptual space to understand its hybrid nature, decentralizing law-making and centralizing market transactions, or to frame its person-thing duality. Under intellectual monopoly capitalism, this hybrid nature has degenerated: corporations have monopolized knowledge, outsourced production to dependent peripheral firms, and become deeply intertwined with financial markets and geopolitical rivalries – lending substance to notions of techno-feudalism, while marking a profound break with the medieval tradition of open science that first made competitive markets possible.
Despite his support for the creation of the West Indies Federation in the late 1950s, the anticolonial activist and political thinker CLR James expressed severe reservations regarding the process that led to its creation. While his criticisms are brief, this paper reconstructs a Jamesian critique of the plebiscite as a means of anticolonial self-determination. Situating his discussion of the plebiscite in the broader arc of his political thought from the 1930s to the 1960s, I identify three lines of critique that revolve around broad questions of mass leadership and the reproduction of colonial domination. First, drawing on his discussion of the tragic flaw of Toussaint L’Ouverture’s leadership during the Haitian Revolution, James argued that the plebiscite enabled popular leaders to skirt their responsibility to effectively communicate with the revolutionary masses. Second, James feared that the plebiscite fixed the principle of territorial sovereignty in place in advance of the process of decolonization by tethering popular authority to clearly bound territorial constituencies. Third, by giving the people a simple choice between two options, James worried that the plebiscite would undermine radical processes of democratic self-constitution. Against conventional critiques of the plebiscite as a means of consolidating dictatorial power under the guise of vox populi, James reveals how ostensibly popular political forms, such as the plebiscite, undercut the enactment of popular agency in colonial contexts.
Explores how security and stability within less developed countries became a central element of US security and ‘counter-subversion’ policy during the first Eisenhower administration. The chapter also examines how US policy in decolonizing countries had to go beyond internal security to development and nation building. The events described herein represent Washington's first in-depth exploration into events and processes defining the decolonizing world, and how it formulated and modified its response, the NSC 1290-d or Overseas Internal Security Program.
Othello begins at the moment when comedies end, with a happy marriage. It also begins, where The Merchant of Venice and Twelfth Night leave off, with the question of ethnic or social outsiders as the catalysts for the destructive elements within society. It might seem that the terms are reversed, with the dangerous alien now the hero, while the mysterious, incomprehensibly malicious, diabolical villain is the insider. The fact aroused the indignation of Thomas Rymer, who in a notorious attack published in 1693 declared that Othello "impiously assumes the sacred name of tragedy," but was, on the contrary, nothing but "a bloody farce". The essential element of the drama that is omitted is Iago, and one of the most interesting things about Rymer's account of the play is that Iago really does not figure very significantly in it. Rymer ridicules William Shakespeare from the outset for having a black hero.
An international protest was organised to coincide with the G8 summit taking place in Genoa from the 19 to 22 July 2001. The afternoon of 20 July 2001, when the young protester, Carlo Giuliani, was shot dead, was arguably a turning point for the anti-capitalist movement. Dylan Martinez and Sergei Karpukhin of Reuters, Italo Banchero and Luca Bruno of the Associated Press and Jess Hurd were among the photographers who gave the world the picture of his death. In the Daily Telegraph, on 21 July, Dylan Martinez's photograph is on the front page with the title 'Protester pays with his Life' and followed with the subtitle 'Police open fire as violence erupts at Genoa. Photojournalism failed to represent the diversity that the movement experienced in Genoa, through a combination of diverse groups, direct action, small events, demonstrations and independent media.
This endeavor encompasses establishing a dynamic model for a constrained joint module system in collaborative robots, predicated upon the Udwadia-Kalaba equation and constraint-following methodologies. Additionally, a leakage-type adaptive robust controller is developed to assuage uncertainties and disturbances. The structure of the dynamic model is methodically crafted, accommodating uncertain parameters to delineate the behavioral dynamics of the system. Furthermore, a meticulous derivation of a second-order representation of the constraint equations is undertaken to facilitate precise boundaries of the limitations imposed by the system. The proposed controller demonstrates adeptness in tailoring its strategies to the characteristics of both known and unknown attributes of the system, deftly navigating the intrinsic uncertainties of the system. Systematic simulations and empirical analyses have been performed to authenticate the efficacy of the advocated approach in regulating the joint module system. The research outcomes not only augment comprehension of robust control techniques for joint module systems but also furnish invaluable insights to propel future advancements within this specialized domain.
Vaccine hesitant sentiments are reported among some ethnic and racial minority communities. This study argues that their vaccine hesitancy stems from distrust in the government that marginalizes them. Building on existing studies on ethnicity, health, and political trust, this study offers an original contribution by using causal mediation analyses to provide suggestive evidence of a mediating relationship between ethnic marginalization and vaccination intention and by focusing on African countries. We conduct causal mediation analyses of nationally representative survey data across 14 African countries and find that trust in government mediates the effect of perceived ethnic marginalization on COVID-19 vaccination intention. Perceived marginalization decreases government trust and thus reduces vaccination intention. The findings have implications beyond the pandemic era. A path dependent consequence of marginalization during non-crisis times hinders collective actions during crisis times. Governments must put efforts into combating ethnic marginalization during non-crisis times.
This chapter examines how the hotchpotch of ideologies, practicalities and realities played out in Sierra Leone in the first days of the anti-slavery squadron. The governors of Sierra Leone during the early anti-slavery era had different ideas about how to deal with the liberated Africans who were under their purported care and command. In the earliest days of liberated Africans' arrival in Freetown the focus was on apprenticeships, which uncomfortably crossed the line into chattel bondage in some cases. In the villages the liberated Africans would be encouraged to behave like British labourers with 'proper' wooden houses, 'decent' clothing and regular attendance at church. Although women were sent to live in the mountain villages almost as regularly as men, in some ways the fate of liberated African women was divergent.
Longitudinal studies on population representative samples offer unique insights. The Estonian Children Personality Behaviour and Health Study (ECPBHS; EstChild) was launched in 1998 on two birth cohort samples at age 9 or 15 with an exceptional participation rate, has been monitored at ages 15, 18, 25 and 33, and also recruited parents of the target subjects. This multidisciplinary investigation has been focused on behavioural neuroscience, illuminating findings on what could be discerned from biomarkers, candidate genes, gene × environment interactions, and epigenetic markers in representative samples, and in birth cohorts living through societal transformation. ECPBHS analyzed how biomarkers and lifestyle are associated with real-life behaviours and developmental trajectories, phenotypes such as neuroticism, bulimia, aggressiveness or attention deficit, and outcomes from incidence of psychiatric disorders to the obtaining of university education. Novel evidence has been observed on clustering of fears and the inner structure of impulsivity and reward sensitivity, together with clues how these may have co-emerged with metabolic types. New insights have been provided to understand the classic biomarkers, cholesterol and platelet monoamine oxidase activity, as well as several functional gene variants. Hypotheses how to synthetize molecular genetics and sociology, how sex or gender matters in the light of gene×environment interactions and how family and parental roles shape the behaviour of offspring have been put forward. The ECPBHS has offered clues on why in biological psychiatry many replication attempts are predestined to fail, and how to learn from such failures.
This article reconstructs the history of the ‘Centro per gli Studi sullo Sviluppo Economico’ created through a collaboration between the SVIMEZ (Associazione per lo sviluppo dell’industria nel Mezzogiorno) and the Ford Foundation and active between 1958 and 1969. Through the analysis of unpublished documentation from the SVIMEZ archives, the article shows how the ‘Italian laboratory’ of Southern Italy became an international case study in the context of the Cold War and the dawn of development economics. The Centre played a crucial role in training economists and officials and in disseminating the Italian experience at the Mediterranean and global levels, combining international theoretical approaches with the empirical legacy of policies for the ‘Mezzogiorno’. The paper highlights how this experience represented a meeting point between American philanthropy, Western modernisation and bottom-up development practices, contributing to the construction of transnational networks and the spread of development culture in the era of decolonisation.