We investigate the gender gap in issue attention among members of parliament (MPs) by applying automated text analytic techniques to a novel data set on Italian parliamentary speeches over a remarkably long period (1948–2020). We detect a gendered specialization across issues that tends to disappear as women’s shares in parliamentary groups increase. We then investigate whether women’s access to previously male-owned issues brings with it a different agenda, operationalized as a different vocabulary. We detect a U-shaped pattern: language gender specificity is high when female MPs are tokens in parliamentary groups with a large preponderance of men; it decreases when their shares start increasing and grows again when they constitute a considerable minority. We argue that this pattern is consistent with the theory of tokenism, and it is produced by the interlinkage of commitment to shared norms and the distribution of “activation thresholds” among female MPs.

In this paper, I argue for Fit, a prudential version of the claim that attitudes must fit their objects, the claim that there is an extra benefit when one's reactions fit their objects. I argue that Fit has surprising and powerful consequences for theories of well-being. Classic versions of the objective list theory, hedonism, desire views, and loving-the-good theories do not accommodate Fit. Suitable modifications change some of the views substantially. Modified views give reactions a robust role as sources of well-being, and they accept that objects call for some attitudes but not others. I argue that objective list theories and loving-the-good theories require the most minimal changes to accommodate Fit, so we have a pro tanto reason to favor these views over alternatives.

Solving a nonsmooth and nonconvex minimization problem can be approached as finding a zero of a set-valued operator. With this perspective, we propose a novel Majorizer–Minimizer technique to find a local minimizer of a nonsmooth and nonconvex function and establish its convergence. Our approach leverages Bregman distances to generalize the classical quadratic regularization. By doing so, we generate a family of regularized problems that encompasses quadratic regularization as a special case. To further demonstrate the effectiveness of our method, we apply it on a lasso regression model, showcasing its performance.

Sufficient vitamin D status is crucial for successful pregnancy and fetal development. The assessment of 25-hydroxyvitamin D (25(OH)D) concentrations is commonly used to evaluate vitamin D status. Our objective was to examine the interrelated biodynamics of maternal and neonatal total, free and bioavailable 25(OH)D in maternal–neonatal dyads at birth and their associations with homeostasis and neonatal birth anthropometry. We analysed a cohort of seventy full-term mother–child pairs. We found positive associations between all neonatal measures of vitamin D status. Maternal forms exhibited a similar pattern of association, except for the bioavailable maternal form. In multivariate analysis, both total and free maternal 25(OH)D concentrations were correlated with all neonatal forms (neonatal total 25(OH)D: 1·29 (95 % CI, 1·12, 1·46) for maternal total 25(OH)D, 10·89 (8·16, 13·63) for maternal free 25(OH)D), (neonatal free 25(OH)D: 0·15 for maternal total 25(OH)D, 1·28 (95 % CI, 0·89, 1·68) for maternal free 25(OH)D) and (0·13 (95 % CI, 0·10, 0·16), 1·06 (95 % CI, 0·68, 1·43) for maternal free 25(OH)D), respectively, with the exclusion of the bioavailable maternal form. We observed no significant interactions within or between groups regarding maternal and neonatal vitamin D parameters and maternal calcium and parathyroid hormone concentrations, and neonatal birth anthropometry. Our study indicates that bioavailable maternal and neonatal 25(OH)D have no significant effects on vitamin D equilibrium, Ca homeostasis and neonatal anthropometry at birth. However, we observed an interaction between maternal and neonatal total and free 25(OH)D concentrations at the maternal–neonatal interface, with no associations observed with other calciotropic or anthropometric outcomes.

Plant-based substitutes (PBS) are seen as a convenient way to transition to a more plant-based diet, but their potential health benefits and nutritional concerns remain debated. Based on a review of the literature, it is concluded here that the primary risk of insufficient nutrient intake with PBS concerns iron and calcium, which are critical to the nutritional value of PBS. Other risks were identified but these would depend on the characteristics of the overall diet, as is the case for iodine in a diet containing no seafood or dairy, and vitamin B12 in a vegetarian/vegan diet. Conversely, the use of PBS is also expected to confer some benefits for long-term health because it would result in higher fibre intakes (in the case of meat PBS) and lower SFA intakes (but higher PUFA/MUFA intakes), but attention should be paid to a potential increase in sodium intake with PBS of meat products. In fact, a recurring finding in this review was that PBS is a very heterogeneous food category involving considerable variations in ingredient and nutrient composition, and whose design could be improved in order to foster nutritional and health benefits. The latter also depend on the animal food that is being replaced and are only deemed likely when PBS replace red meat. The fortification of PBS with key nutrients such as iron and calcium may constitute an actionable public health solution to further shift the balance in favour of PBS in the context of the current dietary transition in western countries.

In this essay, I turn to the example of the 1919 Elaine Massacre—the deadliest incident of anti-Black violence in U.S. history—in order to better understand how its economically motivated, state-sanctioned, and brutally indiscriminate violence were nearly erased from history. I find that white journalists, military officials, as well as the Governor of Arkansas himself, drew upon long-standing race-based fears in their characterizations of what took place in Elaine. In so doing, they were able to simultaneously glorify and obfuscate the anti-Black violence, as well as further protect the property and economic interests of the white residents who had putatively been “under threat.” The scale of the violence in Elaine and the near totality of its erasure from the official record make the Elaine Massacre a chilling example of what Lindsay Schakenbach Regele has described as “martial capitalism”: the use of concealed military violence to wrest economic resources away from marginalized communities and toward their white counterparts.

This article investigates the pattern of economic voting at the regional level in Italy. It focuses on the elections held in 18 out of 20 Italian regions from 1995 to 2020. Retrospective voting is examined by using the theory of economic voting, measured at the subnational level. By providing some inferential models and controlling for the impact of phases of recession, this article tests the hypothesis whereby the incumbent regional government is rewarded (or punished) by voters in the event of a good (or poor) state of the regional economy. It mainly considers macroeconomic variables, focusing on the relationship between the unemployment rate (at both national and regional levels) and the electoral performance of the incumbent executive. The empirical analysis shows that, particularly during periods of ‘quiet politics’, economic voting also occurs at the local level and thus the regional unemployment rate affects regional rulers' electoral outcomes.

To advocate for restrictive immigration policies, conservative U.S. politicians have advanced a narrative that Latino immigrants commit violent crimes against White women. This framing of immigrant threat builds on a long history of similar anti-Black discourse and activates racialized ideas about protecting femininity. I demonstrate how the identities of purported victims of immigrant crime connect attitudes about immigration with benevolent sexism—a superficially positive, protective attitude toward particular types of women. An original survey experiment shows that benevolent sexism is activated when victims of immigrant crime are White women. Using nationally representative survey data, I show that the benevolent face of sexism has a notable impact on the immigration attitudes of White Americans, particularly when it comes to the protectionist policy of policing of the U.S.-Mexico border.

The global trend towards heightened protection for geographical indications (GIs) has been bolstered by the incorporation of anti-evocation provisions in various bilateral and regional trade agreements, primarily led by the European Union (EU). While these anti-evocation measures have raised GI protection to an unprecedented level, they also place limitations on the freedom of expression and competition for other market players. This article conducts a critical analysis of the necessity of those restrictions by evaluating the justifications for implementing anti-evocation protection. Specifically, the analysis centres on the formal justifications put forth by law enforcement authorities and their direct contribution to enforcement errors and inconsistencies. Furthermore, inherent limitations within these justifications are also identified. Clarifying the rationale for anti-evocation protection and establishing a clearly defined scope of protection, substantiated by sound justifications, could effectively mitigate errors and inconsistencies in law enforcement and minimize any undue impact on the public interest. Countries that have adopted or are considering adopting anti-evocation protection, following the EU's lead, should exercise caution to avoid similar pitfalls.

We study the effect of railroads, the single largest public investment in colonial India, on human capital. Using district-level data on literacy and two different identification strategies, we find railroads had positive effects on literacy, in particular on male and English literacy. We show that railroads increased literacy by raising secondary and elite primary schooling, rather than vernacular primary schooling. Our mediation analysis suggests that non-agricultural income, urbanization, and opportunities for skilled employment are important mechanisms, while agricultural income is not.

Are the preferences of women and men unequally represented in public policies? This simple yet fundamental question has remained largely unexplored in the fast-growing fields of women’s representation and inequality in the opinion-policy link. Our study analyzes gender biases in policy representation using an original dataset covering 43 countries and four decades, with citizens’ preferences regarding more than 4,000 country-year policies linked to information about actual policy change. Our analysis reveals clear and robust evidence that women’s policy preferences are underrepresented compared to those of men. While this skew is fairly modest in terms of congruence, women’s representation is driven mostly by the high correlation of preferences with men. When there is disagreement, policy is more likely to align with men’s preferences. Our analyses further suggest that women’s substantive underrepresentation is mitigated in contexts with high levels of female descriptive representation and labor market participation. In sum, our study shows that gender inequality extends to the important realm of policy representation, but there is also meaningful variation in unequal representation across contexts.

The moral problem of authority can be expressed as follows: how can authority, and the deference it entails, be compatible with freedom and rationality? The pluralist approach separates political obligation from authority. For pluralists, authority is both unjustifiable and unnecessary, and so legitimate political obligation, including the duty to obey the law, does not entail deference. I argue that it is possible to retain the pluralist commitment to plural grounds of legitimacy, while rebutting the pluralist objections to authority. As a result, whenever authority does have legitimacy, the moral question of authority will demand an answer.