The textual history of the Analects (論語) has long been based on narratives according to which disciples of Confucius (tr. 551–479 bce) recorded his sayings after his death. During the Western Han (206 bce–9 ce), three textual traditions of the Analects circulated: the Lu 魯, the Qi 齊, and the “old script” (古文). The Lu Analects in 20 chapters would eventually become the only one transmitted. Early textual losses have been offset in the last decades by recoveries of several ancient manuscripts. In this paper, we examine two manuscripts produced around 300 bce with a close connection to the Analects: the Anhui University *Zhongni said (仲尼曰) and the Wangjiazui *Kongzi said (孔子曰). Their dating makes them of particular importance to cast new light on traditional narratives. By looking at parallels and linguistic evidence of these manuscripts, we argue that *Zhongni said and *Kongzi said confirm the existence by ca. 300 bce of a tradition of collecting sayings attributed to Confucius. We define these manuscripts as “Analects-like materials,” which are characterized as lists of sayings, with little to no context, attributed to Confucius. This label separates them from Warring States narratives about the figure of Confucius.

This article examines the role of Pedro Ibáñez Ojeda – a prominent Chilean politician and businessman – in the development of Chilean neoliberalism, with a focus on his international networks and the organisation of the Mont Pelerin Society (MPS) regional meeting in Viña del Mar, Chile, in 1981. I argue that Ibáñez represented a distinctive pathway within Chilean neoliberalism, here termed the ‘coastal route’, which highlights the movement’s multi-scale and polycentric nature. This route is multi-scale in Ibáñez’s promotion of liberal ideas through interconnected national, Latin American and global actors, and polycentric in showcasing independent yet complementary initiatives that collectively shaped Chile’s neoliberal trajectory. These dynamics position Ibáñez’s route as part of a broader Latin American and global community.

In the 2023 judgment of Nicaragua v. Colombia, the International Court of Justice ruled that, under customary international law, a State’s entitlement to a continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles from its baselines is not permitted to extend within 200 nautical miles from the baselines of another State. In identifying this customary rule, the Court did not apply the two-element approach. The state practice relied upon by the Court to identify the general practice is not sufficiently widespread, representative, or consistent. The opinio juris is inferred from such state practice, which is not necessarily driven by a sense of legal obligation. The Court’s assertion of the customary rule constitutes, in effect, a rewriting of the relevant provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, amounting to a legislative exercise.

Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is commonly considered a neurodevelopmental disorder, with symptoms present before 12 years of age. Increasingly, adults who have no evidence of impairment in childhood are seeking treatment for ADHD. In this Editorial, we propose that psychiatry considers conceptual changes to better understand impairment and distress caused by inattention and disorganisation in adulthood.

I study the effects of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program (DACA) on labor market outcomes among potentially eligible immigrants. DACA allowed undocumented immigrants to participate in the labor market without fear of deportation, which might be expected to increase the probability of working and allowing workers to move to higher-skilled occupations. However, using a regression discontinuity design, I find very little to no effects on the probability of working and the likelihood of working in high-skilled jobs among DACA-eligible immigrants. The confidence intervals permit modest effects on these variables, but rule out large ones. My estimates are local, mainly applicable to older individuals close to the age threshold, and not broadly generalizable to younger DACA-eligible groups.

In the United States, the public does not view all refugee groups with equal favorability. Why do individuals express more support for some refugee groups compared to others? We argue that some Americans are more supportive of certain refugee groups when they share a racial identity because it is easier for them to empathize with them. While recent research points to empathy as a useful tool for cultivating supportive attitudes toward refugees and immigrants, the political science literature lacks a nuanced understanding of the conditions under which empathy drives pro-social attitudes toward refugees, specifically with regard to racial dynamics. Does empathy allow people to overcome their racial ingroup preferences, or does it magnify them? With an original web experiment administered to a 50/50 Black and white sample of Americans, we prime half of the sample to associate refugees with their racial ingroup and prime the other half with their racial outgroup. We find that refugee race only affects support for refugees among white individuals with low group empathy. For high-empathy whites and Blacks of all levels of empathy, the race linked to refugees does not condition their support for refugees. Rather, group empathy is a strong, independent explanation for variation in attitudes toward refugees. We also find modest evidence that the positive association between empathy for refugees and support for this group is driven by partisanship, particularly for whites. The direct effect of partisanship on support for refugees is much stronger. This study contributes to research on the dynamics of race, empathy, and attitudes toward refugees.

Centralisation of powers typically occurs in times of crisis. The paper investigates and compares the intergovernmental relations (IGRs) in the Italian decentralised systems during the economic and financial crisis (2008–2013) and the COVID-19 pandemic (2020–2022). During both these two phases, Italy experienced a transition from a political government to a technical one. During the economic and financial crisis, Silvio Berlusconi's government (2008–2011) was succeeded by a technical one led by Mario Monti (2011–2013); similarly, during the pandemic, Giuseppe Conte's government (2020–2021) was followed by a technical one led by Mario Draghi (2021–2022). The hypothesis is that the presence of ‘political’ governments still guarantees a certain degree of cooperation with lower levels of government (i.e. regional and local administrations), while ‘technical’ governments further exacerbate the centralisation of powers. The paper analyses the legislative activities of the central government and the documents of the Italian ‘conference system’ during the two periods of analysis. According to our hypothesis, the findings show a greater centralisation of power under the technical government during the pandemic, but not during the economic crisis. This outcome suggests that the policy domain may serve as a main intervening factor over the degree of centralization of the IGRs during periods of crisis.

Alluvial fans associated with eolian fields are common geomorphic features that reflect complex interactions in which the alluvial or eolian system acts as both a sedimentary source and a modifier. The semi-arid region of the São Francisco River is notable in Quaternary studies for its alluvial system and the largest Quaternary inland eolian field in Brazil. Fluvial fans are present on the western margin of the river and to the south of the eolian field. To characterize these fans, we used remote sensing, fieldwork, sedimentology, and OSL dating. We identified three fluvial fans: two asymmetric (> 185 km2) and one circular (8.5 km2). The eolian deposits played a critical role in both sediment supply and formation of the fluvial fans. Fan spreading occurred due to the difference in gradient between the eolian field and the river terraces. Fan deposits were dated to 4.5 ± 0.6 ka, and overlap with other systems, which suggests the system was active before 4 ka. Currently, these fans are degrading and being reworked by wind, and the drainages that exist across them are ephemeral. The Xique-Xique fluvial fans are now fossil systems, preserving evidence of past increased rainfall and base level lowering in the Late Holocene.

This paper examines Douglass North’s evolving recommendations for economic development policy. Using archival material, it traces how North’s historical analysis of economic growth shaped his policy prescriptions from the start of his career through the 1990s. In the 1950s and 1960s, North attributed US economic growth primarily to trade and productivity gains driven by the United States’s competitive market system and international trade, leading him to advocate market-oriented reforms. But from the 1970s onward, recognizing the critical role of institutions through his study of institutional history, he emphasized reducing transaction costs through extensive reforms in property rights and political systems. His archives reveal how his historical understanding of development made him increasingly skeptical of simplistic, market-oriented reforms, and underscore the originality of his policy proposals for Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 1980s and 1990s.

This article provides an overview of the main interpretations in contemporary historiography of the role of Italian political actors in the management of public debt during the First Republic, also in the context of European integration. In order to fill the gaps in historical research on this crucial issue, the conclusion proposes some questions and insights for future research.

“Oriental confectioners” were a separate administrative category of craftsmen in early socialist Slovenia. The group of mainly Albanian-speaking seasonal craftsmen came from the rural Polog basin in North Macedonia during the interwar period and continued migrating to Slovenia in the profoundly changed postwar context. The emerging socialist authorities cast private craft businesses as potentially antisocialist. Employing a textual analysis of craft-related archival documents from the period (1945–1955), the article explores the treatment of Albanian migrants by the nascent bureaucracy in the People’s Republic of Slovenia. The key argument posited is two-fold. Firstly, the economic exclusion of Albanian migrant craftsmen extended beyond socialist distrust towards private enterprise. Exclusion was deeply intertwined with Slovenia’s orientalist, balkanist, and possibly racist perceptions, which culturally diminished craftsmen’s origins and products, and placed Albanian migrants in a conflicting position with socialist modernization. Secondly, and in contrast to the first point, the state’s treatment was not uniformly discriminatory. Albanian migrants were often able to negotiate their inclusion into the urban economy by appealing to socialist morality, to which socialist authorities at the republican level were particularly receptive.

Geochemical and 40Ar/39Ar age analyses of a new exposure of a previously destroyed volcanic ash locality within the Airport Terrace above the Middle Popo Agie River in Lander, Wyoming, allows us to re-establish it as Lava Creek A from the last major eruption of the Yellowstone caldera, with a weighted mean age of 628.2 ± 4.1 ka. Confirmation of the ash as Lava Creek more firmly establishes correlation of the terrace with the WR-7 terraces along the Wind River that contain Lava Creek ash and with outwash correlated to the Sacagawea Ridge type moraine at Dinwoody Lakes. By projecting the Airport Terrace gradient upstream, we show that it grades to the previously mapped terminus of the Sacagawea Ridge valley glacier. Additionally, 10Be boulder-exposure ages of ca. 521, ca. 554, and ca. 556 ka from Sacagawea Ridge moraines in nearby canyons support more closely constraining the Sacagawea Ridge glaciation here to Marine Oxygen Isotope Stage 16, which corresponds with recent evidence for an advance of the Laurentide Ice Sheet at this time in the U.S. midcontinent.