France, Spain, and Great Britain all claimed footholds in North America by the 1700s. War arose between France and Great Britain, and it eventually transformed into a global conflict. Great Britain prevailed, transforming the political dynamics of North America. British colonists attempted to migrate farther west, but tribal resistance forced Britain to block the American colonists. The land-hungry American colonists declared independence from Great Britain. The United States of America prevailed. While the United States believed tribes were defeated by virtue of their alliance with Great Britain, tribes continued to assert their sovereignty.

In the shifting context of global policy making, International Organisations (IOs) have become powerful sources of expert authority and central sites for the exercise of power in global governance. While we have a clear understanding of how IOs deploy expertise, there has been relatively little effort among legal scholarship and International Relations to critically examine the processes by which such institutions produce and validate knowledge claims about governance objects and, in doing so, authorise certain solutions as the only ‘viable’. This chapter examines the way in which the World Health Organization, Food and Agriculture Organization, and UNICEF acted as central vehicles in defining the contours of ‘hidden hunger’ as a ‘matter of fact’ – or as a medicalised and economised object of governance. It shows how this problematisation largely validated the prioritisation of short-term responses and easily measurable programmes such as food fortification and vitamin supplementation in Global South countries. Rather than addressing the underlying socio-economic determinants of the problem, such responses acted as political analgesics providing temporarily relief. In highlighting how IOs’ ‘ways of seeing’ are connected to the practice of governing, the chapter sheds light on the everyday politics of rule-making.

There are 574 federally recognized tribes. Each has a direct government-to-government relationship with the United States, and each tribe is unique. However, not all legitimate tribes are federally recognized. Which tribes received federal recognition was often a matter of historical accident. To rectify this, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) created the federal acknowledgment process in 1978. The process was intended to provide an objective and efficient means of identifying “real” tribes, but it has failed. The process often costs millions of dollars, takes decades, and produces unpredictable results. Moreover, the process’ seven mandatory criteria are subjective and often impractical. The Coushatta Tribe of Louisiana and United Houma Nation (UHN) are two examples. The BIA recognized the Coushatta in the 1930s, terminated them in the 1950s, and then re-recognized the tribe in the 1970s. While the Coushatta were deserving of recognition, the recognition was driven by the leadership of Ernest Sickey, the tribe’s inaugural chairman. Sickey strongly supported UHN federal recognition, and the BIA has acknowledged the Houma are Indians. However, the BIA has yet to recognize the UHN as an Indian tribe. Without recognition, the UHN has no sovereignty to protect its traditional lands or people.

By focusing on the relations between the polity of Ethiopia and the institutions of international ordering – the United Nations and its predecessor, the League of Nations, chief among them – in this chapter I explore the problem of the ‘global colour line’ in relation to international institutions. In particular, I trace the lofty promises, and resounding disappointments, that the United Nations (as a proverbial White, and male, Knight) offered the racialised peoples of the world – and Ethiopia, in particular – in their attempt to challenge a racialised and hierarchical global order. The result is neither a blind celebration of the United Nations’ anticolonial potential, nor a resolute condemnation of its imperial lineage. Instead, I want to embrace the ambiguities offered by the metaphor of this racialised and gendered saviour trope – especially in relation to the racialised savage non-European other. For in any attempt to overturn the global colour line, the United Nations and its family of international organisations will prove to be both utterly indispensable and insufficient.

In the Preface, we motivate the book by discussing the history of quantum computing and the development of the field of quantum algorithms over the past several decades. We argue that the present moment calls for adopting an end-to-end lens in how we study quantum algorithms, and we discuss the contents of the book and how to use it.

This chapter begins from the premise that vocabularies matter in international law and organisation, as ideologies that can reify and make seem necessary and neutral contested and structurally biased means of governance, and in international relations, as disciplinary mechanisms of control. It advances a critical political economy approach to the language of resilience in global governance. By asking the critical political economy questions of ‘who gets what’ from resilience talk and just ‘whose resilience’ are we talking about, the chapter explores resilience as an ideology of new constitutionalism governance. Resilience talk is deconstructed as the language of capitalism, neoliberalism, and the individualisation of responsibility for crisis management. This language obscures the deep class, gender, racial, and intersectional implications of global governance initiatives. The chapter makes the case for destabilising and disrupting this discourse and practice as a necessary move in humanising important institutions of global governance.

This chapter covers the quantum adiabatic algorithm, a quantum algorithmic primitive for preparing the ground state of a Hamiltonian. The quantum adiabatic algorithm is a prominent ingredient in quantum algorithms for end-to-end problems in combinatorial optimization and simulation of physical systems. For example, it can be used to prepare the electronic ground state of a molecule, which is used as an input to quantum phase estimation to estimate the ground state energy.

This chapter covers quantum linear system solvers, which are quantum algorithmic primitives for solving a linear system of equations. The linear system problem is encountered in many real-world situations, and quantum linear system solvers are a prominent ingredient in quantum algorithms in the areas of machine learning and continuous optimization. Quantum linear systems solvers do not themselves solve end-to-end problems because their output is a quantum state, which is one of its major caveats.

To function as nations, tribes require territorial jurisdiction. That is, tribes must be able to determine the rules governing their lands and apply the rules to all persons on their land. Much of Indian country’s land is held in trust, and trust status is blamed for many of tribes’ economic woes. Trust land should be replaced with tribal property rights regimes. That is, tribes themselves should be free to determine whether they would like to allow private property ownership. In addition to granting tribes greater authority over their land, tribes need jurisdiction over all persons on their land to function as nations. Land status – fee or trust – should be irrelevant to the equation as should Indian status. For example, outside of Indian country, police do not inquire into the citizenship of the parties prior to making an arrest. Though various rationales are offered to justify denying tribes jurisdiction over non-Indians, the reasons do not hold up to scrutiny. Furthermore, tribes’ lack of jurisdiction over non-Indians is indistinguishable from the long-refuted imperial doctrine of extraterritoriality.

This chapter presents an introduction to the theory of quantum fault tolerance and quantum error correction, which provide a collection of techniques to deal with imperfect operations and unavoidable noise afflicting the physical hardware, at the expense of moderately increased resource overheads.

This chapter covers the quantum algorithmic primitive called quantum gradient estimation, where the goal is to output an estimate for the gradient of a multivariate function. This primitive features in other primitives, for example, quantum tomography. It also features in several quantum algorithms for end-to-end problems in continuous optimization, finance, and machine learning, among other areas. The size of the speedup it provides depends on how the algorithm can access the function, and how difficult the gradient is to estimate classically.

This chapter proposes to study the making and stabilisation of expertise in global governance. While doing so, it questions mainstream approaches in international law and International Relations, which see international organisations’ reliance on expertise as a rationalisation of global politics. The approach taken here proposes, instead, to examine the political processes and decisions that participate in the production and assembling of ‘expertise’ in global governance. It proposes that the power–knowledge nexus in global fora can be explored by taking the following (complementary) entry points: focusing on sites and networks of knowledge production, studying infrastructures of knowledge production, or analysing relations between people and/or between people and the material.