This chapter explores safeguarding as a duty on tennis sport governing bodies (SGBs) and tennis academies in respect of their athletes, whether junior or senior. The chapter considers safeguarding as a duty of care, the violation of which gives rise to tort-based liability. It looks at the various instruments and codes adopted by tennis SGBs, as well as by national tennis federations, including also their monitoring processes. The chapter explores how these processes are enforced with a view to limiting exposure to risks present or future. The chapter also considers health and safety as part of the duty of safeguarding and goes on to point out legal consequences for failure to meet safeguarding obligations.

More than 40,000 people went missing in the ex-Yugoslavia armed conflicts where the fate and whereabout of almost 10,000 of them is still unknown. Since then, various initiatives at the national and the regional level have been made to carry out search and identification processes, but the reparative mechanisms available to families of persons who disappeared have remained underdeveloped, and largely differs within the region. This chapter sheds a light on the recent legislative developments and a jurisprudence in the ex-Yugoslav republics that used to be the most affected by conflict; Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia (Kosovo and Metohija), focusing on the differences in the level of the international obligations for the states in the Region arising from both: different ratification status of relevant international law instruments and the different status in terms of the EU accession processes. The special attention was paid to the direct and ex-tempore applicability of those international law instruments, considering the complexity of the constitutional organisation of the states, but also the different time frames which the states apply when define ‘the state of war’.

Around the world, countries have set up climate institutions that putatively “depoliticize” climate policymaking, removing decisions from the realm of partisan politics or delegating decisions to technocratic bodies. Here, we offer an empirical reassessment of such apolitical institutions in the UK, Norway, Denmark, and Australia. We find that what seems in many cases like depoliticization – upon closer examination – proves anything but. Instead, we offer a reinterpretation of climate advisory institutions as the path-dependent product of distributive and partisan conflicts. New climate institutions did not emerge merely as a result of norms about public goods provision and efforts to reshape intertemporal policymaking incentives, to provide stability, or to solve the gap between current and future welfare needs. Instead, these institutions addressed core distributive conflicts over climate policy, the short- or medium-term political needs of incumbent governments, or both. In turn, we argue that this political context surrounding their creation has limited the degree to which they can stabilize policy over time or depoliticize climate policy debates.

This chapter considers the nature of constitutional “law” in the Supreme Court. In pursuing that inquiry, the chapter begins with the premise that the Constitution is law not because the Founding generation adopted it but because relevant constituencies in the United States today accept it as authoritative. Moreover, because the Constitution does not include all of the rules necessary for its own interpretation, many of the norms that mark the limits of permissible constitutional interpretation, including the doctrine of stare decisis, are similarly grounded in shared understandings and accepted practices among the justices and other officials, not written rules laid down by prior generations. The acceptance-grounded law that applies to the justices is enforceable through extra-judicial mechanisms that could potentially include defiance of Court decisions if they were widely perceived as overstepping the justices’ lawful authority. But we should recognize that the “law” that constrains the justices is different from more ordinary law. In a normative vein, this chapter describes adaptive judicial interpretations of a Constitution that was mostly written in the eighteenth century as a functional necessity. But it presents a more troubled assessment of developments in the current politically charged and divided era.

Joyce’s life spans a period when material conditions, political structures, and intellectual life throughout the world were profoundly shaped by the growth and decline of European empires and the flourishing of various nationalisms, both imperialist and anti-imperialist. When Joyce was born in 1882 the ‘scramble for Africa’ and the era that one influential historian has called the ‘age of empire’ had just begun. When he died in 1941 the world was engulfed in WWII, a conflict that would fundamentally alter the balance of global power, and the age of decolonization was under way. A good deal of influential Joyce scholarship has explored Joyce’s relation to this historical trajectory. Much of it has been informed by postcolonial studies, committed to examining the complex set of issues and questions we can group under the general headings of ‘colonialism’ and ‘nationalism’. Ireland’s double status as both centre and periphery, agent and victim of colonialism is important to any investigation of how Joyce’s works engage with such issues and questions.

The history of global climate governance can be seen as a series of politicization conflicts. Countries seek to either legitimize and strengthen hard-won global rules or reinterpret or replace them. This chapter focuses on one such conflict, whether to replace or protect the Kyoto Protocol. This conflict primarily pitted the United States against the EU, but each drew other countries into their side of the conflict. By focusing on one conflict, this chapter provides insights into how processes and strategies of politicization unfold in international politics. Countries employed a range of tools, rhetorical and behavioral, to question or support the Kyoto Protocol inside and outside the negotiation process. Several of these strategies are currently employed in relation to the Paris Agreement, marking another politicization conflict.

This chapter analyses the changing reception of ‘declinism’ and its evolving depiction in British postmodern fiction. Throughout the second half of the twentieth century, there existed a tradition of characterising Britain by its lack of enthusiasm for science, the indifference of government to commerce, and the low status of research and development, industry, and engineering. Numerous political scientists, economists, columnists, and historians drew on ‘decline’ as an interpretative framework despite many disagreements about its meaning, evidence, causes, and remedies. At mid-century, postmodern British writers created analogies between narratives of national decline and stories of individual dissolution. Following the Thatcher administration, they offered nascent critiques of ‘declinism’, presenting it as a discourse rather than historical fact. Finally, late-twentieth-century writers joined the growing ranks of professional historians who sought to debunk ‘declinism’ and caution against nostalgia for a halcyon past that may not have ever existed.

The ratification rate of States parties in the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED) ranks as the second lowest among the core UN human rights treaties. Addressing this issue necessitates a systematic approach rather than relying on ambiguous aspirations. Notably, the Asia-Pacific region warrants particular attention due to its relatively low ratification rate, which serves as a focal point of discussion in this chapter. To comprehensively examine the current landscape, this chapter adopts two key perspectives: the motives behind state ratification and the nexus with interpretative challenges concerning the ICPPED. Subsequently, it delves into a spectrum of strategies ranging from basic to nuanced specific approaches, encompassing targeted interventions and persuasive methodologies. Additionally, this chapter explores symptomatic treatments aimed at mitigating enforced disappearances, acknowledging the foreseeable stasis in the expansion of States Parties. Importantly, the broader argument presented in this paper extends beyond the confines of the Asia-Pacific region, underscoring its relevance on a global scale.

One of postmodernism’s legacies is ironically that, once it is assumed to be over its characteristic self-consciousness about its own historicity has come to permeate ‘post-postmodern’ culture. This chapter considers why critics and theorists were so keen, especially in the first decade of the Twenty-First Century, to declare postmodernism over and to identify what has replaced it. What does this preoccupation with periodicity mean for a society which – due to advances in digital technology – now shares, more widely, a similar uncertainty about its own position in history? The work of some notable twenty-first-century British writers – aware of writing in postmodernism’s slipstream – can usefully be seen as responding to this question. The chapter examines three in particular: Ali Smith’s The Accidental, David Mitchell’s Cloud Atlas, and Kazuo Ishiguro’s Never Let Me Go. Each of these novels conveys a historical ‘out-of-time-ness’, which implies that, ghost-like, the postmodern has both ended and continued.

The introductory chapter details what is gained by using the concept of social role when studying power relations in Late Antiquity and how it ties in well with ancient ideas about why people act in the way they do. It shows how Late Antique thought and practice conceptualized social hierarchies in moral terms and argues that precisely the expectation that social and moral hierarchies coincide injects the dynamism in social interactions that this book chronicles. It also underscores that society was conceived of as held together by justice and shows how this was intertwined with hierarchical conceptions of society and the cosmos.

In order to be effective mathematics educators, teachers need more than content knowledge: they need to be able to make mathematics comprehensible and accessible to their students. Teaching Key Concepts in the Australian Mathematics Curriculum Years 7 to 10 ensures that pre-service and practising teachers in Australia have the tools and resources required to teach lower secondary mathematics.

By simplifying the underlying concepts of mathematics, this book equips teachers to design and deliver mathematics lessons at the lower secondary level. The text provides a variety of practical activities and teaching ideas that translate the latest version of the Australian Curriculum into classroom practice. It covers the challenges of middle year mathematics, including the current decline in student numeracy, as well as complex theories which teachers can struggle to explain clearly. Topics include number, algebra, measurement, space, statistics and probability. Whether educators have recently studied more complicated mathematics or are teaching out of field, they are supported to recall ideas and concepts that they may have forgotten – or that may not have been made explicit in their own education.

Authored by experienced classroom educators and academics, this book is a vital resource for pre-service and practising Years 7 to 10 mathematics teachers, regardless of their backgrounds and experiences.

The agricultural practices associated with the green revolution assumed their fullest form in the state of Punjab and are commonly associated with the launch of HYVs in 1964-66. But in reality, Punjab had been undergoing a process of agrarian transformations for a long time. Punjab developed as the subcontinent’s most productive agrarian region during colonial times. Though the partition disrupted the region’s agricultural infrastructures, the state embarked upon a massive phase of rebuilding under the leadership of a handful of bureaucrats with a technocratic vision. These efforts were tailored to build a system of productive agriculture to restore the province’s pre-partition preeminence. The pursuit of productivity trumped every other agenda in Punjab and a spell of regional technocracy took hold. The American experts arriving under the Indo-US treaties and those sent over by the American foundations believed that the modernization of Indian agriculture must start from Punjab. When the HYVs arrived, Punjab was readier than any other region.

In order to be effective mathematics educators, teachers need more than content knowledge: they need to be able to make mathematics comprehensible and accessible to their students. Teaching Key Concepts in the Australian Mathematics Curriculum Years 7 to 10 ensures that pre-service and practising teachers in Australia have the tools and resources required to teach lower secondary mathematics.

By simplifying the underlying concepts of mathematics, this book equips teachers to design and deliver mathematics lessons at the lower secondary level. The text provides a variety of practical activities and teaching ideas that translate the latest version of the Australian Curriculum into classroom practice. It covers the challenges of middle year mathematics, including the current decline in student numeracy, as well as complex theories which teachers can struggle to explain clearly. Topics include number, algebra, measurement, space, statistics and probability. Whether educators have recently studied more complicated mathematics or are teaching out of field, they are supported to recall ideas and concepts that they may have forgotten – or that may not have been made explicit in their own education.

Authored by experienced classroom educators and academics, this book is a vital resource for pre-service and practising Years 7 to 10 mathematics teachers, regardless of their backgrounds and experiences.

In order to be effective mathematics educators, teachers need more than content knowledge: they need to be able to make mathematics comprehensible and accessible to their students. Teaching Key Concepts in the Australian Mathematics Curriculum Years 7 to 10 ensures that pre-service and practising teachers in Australia have the tools and resources required to teach lower secondary mathematics.

By simplifying the underlying concepts of mathematics, this book equips teachers to design and deliver mathematics lessons at the lower secondary level. The text provides a variety of practical activities and teaching ideas that translate the latest version of the Australian Curriculum into classroom practice. It covers the challenges of middle year mathematics, including the current decline in student numeracy, as well as complex theories which teachers can struggle to explain clearly. Topics include number, algebra, measurement, space, statistics and probability. Whether educators have recently studied more complicated mathematics or are teaching out of field, they are supported to recall ideas and concepts that they may have forgotten – or that may not have been made explicit in their own education.

Authored by experienced classroom educators and academics, this book is a vital resource for pre-service and practising Years 7 to 10 mathematics teachers, regardless of their backgrounds and experiences.

Chapter Four contends that the electronic amplification of false and misleading election-related claims poses a significant threat to American democracy. To address that threat, we urgently need government regulation of companies that provide electronic amplification services. However, the Supreme Court has created a body of First Amendment doctrine that places Congress in a constitutional straightjacket, making it almost impossible for Congress to enact the type of legislation that is urgently needed to protect our democracy. This chapter sketches the outlines of a proposed federal statute that would restrict the electronic amplification of election-related misinformation. It explains why any statute along those lines – indeed, any statute that might be moderately effective in protecting American democracy from the threat posed by the electronic amplification of misinformation – would almost certainly be deemed unconstitutional under the Court’s current First Amendment doctrine. Therefore, the Court must revise its First Amendment doctrine to help save American democracy.