We present 29 successfully recovered Civ time lags in Active Galactic Nuclei from the complete Dark Energy Survey Reverberation Mapping campaign. The AGN in this sample span a redshift range of $1.9\lt z\lt 3.5$. We successfully measure the velocity dispersion from the Civ spectral linewidth for 25 of these 29 sources, and use these to calculate new high-redshift black hole mass estimates, finding masses between 0.8 and 1.3 billion solar masses. We also identify a selection effect due to the duration of the survey that can impact the radius-luminosity relation derived from this and other (high-redshift) data. This paper represents the culmination of the OzDES Civ campaign.

In July 1915 and October 1916, workers at the Bayonne, New Jersey, Standard Oil refinery went on strike, demanding better treatment and higher wages. In both cases, the workers were defeated by violence and repression. This article tells the largely forgotten story of the Bayonne strikes in the context of Progressive Era industrial relations in the United States that contributed to a specific United States version of welfare capitalism. The strikes emphasized the growth of unskilled mass production workers and highlighted the weakness of the existing labor movement, including its most radical expressions, in providing leadership to these workers. Capitalizing on this failure, Rockefeller and Standard Oil deflected the Bayonne workers’ anger into company unionism and welfare capitalism, which channeled the Progressive emphasis on “industrial democracy” to strengthen capitalism and prevent worker militancy and union organization for decades. The article examines how the Rockefellers’ vision of welfare capitalism differed from contemporary European counterparts, particularly to prevent social conflict by avoiding unions instead of collaborating with the union leadership.

An increasing number of jurisdictions have incorporated references to animals into their constitutions, granting non-humans some degree of constitutional relevance. This article examines the global trend of recognising animals in constitutions through a temporal lens. It distinguishes three temporal dimensions of animal constitutionalism: a symbolic rupture with a past of purely instrumental protection; a potential standstill effect that stabilises present levels of protection and a future-oriented shift towards recognising animals as constitutional subjects. By analysing these dimensions, the article reflects on how the constitutional recognition of animals unsettles conventional constitutional theory and signals a broader transformation of constitutionalism beyond anthropocentrism, drawing from recent theoretical developments in the field.

Effective wildlife monitoring generates valuable information, but it needs to be cost-effective because conservation funding is scarce. Passive acoustic monitoring facilitates monitoring and occupancy estimates of cryptic species, but is rarely used for terrestrial mammals vocalizing in ultrasound (> 20 kHz). Here, we compared the recording quality of two autonomous recording units: Open Acoustic’s AudioMoth and the Wildlife Acoustics Song Meter Mini Bat 2. In June 2024, we conducted an experiment in north-east Thailand, playing modulated ultrasonic sounds in three forest environments. We conducted 108 trials at varying distances during the day and night. We measured the average decibels for each trial and found that the AudioMoth consistently provided equivalent dB readings of ultrasound on spectrograms and detected ultrasonic tones from further away than the Song Meter Mini Bat 2. These data indicate that the AudioMoth could be a cost-effective option for detecting modulated ultrasound at distances of up to 32 m. Cost often limits deployment of monitors, and the ability to maximize efforts while minimizing cost is essential for improved species monitoring.

This study investigates whether adult learners can simultaneously acquire the sounds, words, and grammar of a novel language through cross-situational statistical learning (CSL). English-speaking participants were exposed to an artificial language with unfamiliar phonology and varying morphological salience. Results showed measurable acquisition of nouns and verbs, but limited learning of adjectives and case markers. Importantly, only participants in the high-salience condition showed sensitivity to morphosyntactic violations, suggesting that perceptual salience enhances awareness of grammatical structure. A word–picture matching task revealed that learners encoded phonolexical forms imprecisely: while clearly deviant items were rejected, minimally different lures were often accepted. Finally, individual differences in phonolexical precision were only weakly associated with phonetic discrimination ability. These findings demonstrate the power and limits of CSL in second-language learning and highlight the importance of perceptual cues for acquiring complex L2 structure.

Antibiotic overprescribing remains common in pediatric outpatient care. We evaluated Medicaid claims–based provider report cards as a scalable stewardship tool. Quarterly audit and feedback improved guideline concordance, diagnostic appropriateness, and reduced cefdinir use; highlighting claims-based electronic feedback as a sustainable outpatient antimicrobial stewardship strategy suitable for statewide implementation.

Sungmoon Kim’s criticism largely misunderstands liberal polycentrism and the cultural knowledge problem that motivates it. In his attempt to defend a pragmatic Confucian democracy, he doubles down on precisely the monocentric thinking that polycentrism transcends. He conflates liberal polycentrism with standard political liberalism. Kim seems to think that our position merely seeks a neutral state in which Confucianism is contained within small social worlds. While our framework does adhere to state neutrality, it is not merely a management strategy for pre-existing differences. It is grounded in cultural experimentation in the face of ongoing social change. We are not simply trying to carve out maximum space for plurality because people disagree. Rather, we recognize that we do not, and cannot, know how these differences will interact, revise, and evolve to produce new cultural pathways beyond what exists. Kim misses this point, and it is not a small one.

Over a hundred fast radio burst (FRB) host galaxies have now been identified, enabling both comparisons of host redshift with FRB dispersion measure to study the cosmological distribution of ionised gas, and analyses of host properties in order to identify FRB progenitors. The standard method for determining the most likely FRB host galaxy in an optical image is the Bayesian framework Probabilistic Association of Transients to their Hosts (PATH), which accounts for uncertainties in the radio localisation, and simplified prior distributions on the host being observable. In this work we extend PATH, incorporating physically-motivated priors that are based on expectations about FRB host galaxy magnitudes. We develop three different models for the apparent r-band magnitude distribution based on an FRB’s expected host galaxy redshift, P(mr|z) and combine these with expectations for redshift based on an FRB’s dispersion measure, P(z|DM). We fit the parameters of these prior models using host galaxy candidates for 32 FRBs detected by the Australian SKA Pathfinder (ASKAP) in incoherent sum (ICS) mode by the Commensal Real-time ASKAP Fast Transients (CRAFT) survey.

Employing PATH with the new priors on the host magnitudes, we find increased confidence in the most probable hosts of all ASKAP ICS FRB host galaxies. All three models predict similar distributions of FRB host magnitudes at low redshift (z ∼ 0.1), and we confirm previous results that the true FRB host galaxy distribution is fainter than expected for a star-formation-weighted distribution (p-value of 0.12%). However, a mass-weighted distribution provides an even worse fit (p-value of 10−9). Tests against more FRBs in the z > 0.5 range, where the models differ, and extensions of the models to account for e.g. host metallicity, may help to resolve these uncertainties in the FRB host distribution.

This paper contributes to this special issue by exploring the act of capitulation to populist authoritarianism, focusing on American universities under Donald Trump’s second administration. Despite threats to funding and autonomy, especially around health-related issues, many universities capitulated. Yet, while universities might be seen as especially vulnerable due to their dependence on federal funds and international students, we show that actors with far greater power exhibited similar behaviour. Elements of the legal profession enabled authoritarian legalism, while corporations, once defenders of democratic norms, largely retreated into silence or complicity. Drawing on contemporary and historical examples, we situate these responses within broader patterns of democratic backsliding. Institutions are shown to be vulnerable to legal manipulation, financial coercion, and ideological alignment. Yet, resistance persists. Some universities have fought back through litigation, and judges have blocked unconstitutional orders despite personal risk. The paper reframes institutions not as passive structures but as active agents that can either resist or enable authoritarianism. It argues that democratic commitment is not inherent but must be cultivated and defended. Ultimately, democracy requires ongoing engagement, ethical leadership, and a willingness to bear short-term costs for long-term preservation.

This article recovers the international thought of Merze Tate, the first black woman to earn a Ph.D. in government from Harvard’s Radcliffe College. I reconstruct Tate’s classical realist approach and show how she applies it to the causes of disarmament failure and views race war as a challenge to global racial hierarchy. Tate’s realist approach highlights an alternative approach to racism in international politics that centers the international distribution of power. I make my argument through a close reading of Tate’s early writings in the 1930s and 1940s and compare it to contemporary writings by W.E.B. Du Bois, Alain Locke, and E.H. Carr. The article makes three contributions: it recovers Tate’s intellectual legacy and advances recognition of early twentieth-century black women thinkers; it develops the Howard School of International Relations’ contributions to IR theory; and it enriches our understanding of racism in the international system.

One of the central divides in epistemology is between internalist and externalist theories of justification. As ‘justification’ is a normative term, one might wonder if work in semantics on normative terms can resolve the debate. Contextualism, saying that normative terms have hidden parameters fixed by the context, is a popular view in semantics. I will argue that much of the internalism/externalism debate about justification in epistemology can be dissolved by contextualism.

This article explores the management of correspondence between British MPs and the public, examining how citizens have used letter-writing as a tool to seek assistance, advocate for policies, and express support or dissent. It highlights how MPs and their staff triaged correspondence, distinguishing between ‘authentic’ expressions of public concern and orchestrated lobbying. It also considers the strategies employed by letter-writers to maximize their impact, from carefully crafted appeals to emotional rhetoric, frequently made in the knowledge that intermediaries would process their communications. The increasing volume of correspondence, facilitated partly by technological advances, reflects the enduring perception of letter-writing as an effective means of political engagement. While much scholarly work has focused either on a quantitative analysis of letter numbers and outcomes or a qualitative analysis of the substance of letters on controversial issues, this article shifts the focus to the broader processes of correspondence management and voter-politician interactions. By analysing how MPs and their assistants assessed, prioritized, and responded to communications, we provide new insights into the evolving relationship between representatives and the public. We suggest that correspondence was a means through which voters demonstrated their authenticity to politicians - and not just the other way round.