The central feature of the final phase of clearance was the linkage of mass eviction with schemes of assisted emigration. Financial fluctuations in the wider economy helped to shape the policies of clearance in the later 1840s. The catastrophic failure of the potatoes in 1846 and the continuation of the blight for several years thereafter was an important watershed in the history of the Highland clearances. The famine removals were different, because their social costs were greater. The famine clearances have a special significance in the history of the Highland clearances as a whole. They were the last in the cycle of great evictions which transformed Gaelic society from the last quarter of the eighteenth century. It was the large-scale removals which helped to put the crofting question firmly on the national political map and created the context for the attack on Highland landlordism later in the nineteenth century.

This chapter examines the tensions surrounding the place of ‘woman’ in Freethought ideology. It discusses ‘infidel feminism’ and Freethought support for woman's rights alongside its more problematic definitions of ‘woman’ and her relationship to religion. At stake in these debates were fundamental questions about the compatibility of religion with women's rights, the possibility of re-interpreting ancient texts according to ‘modern’ values, the impact of the rise of science and rationalism on the role of women, and from what authority feminists derived their claims for equality.

Although local authorities worked within a common framework of national legislation and policy directives from the government, policy was also determined by local problems, council politics, the attitude of local authority officials and the distinct urban culture in which cities operated. This chapter highlights the significance of locality in the decision-making process by comparing and contrasting broad aspects of housing policy between different cities across the century. During 1919-1932, Birmingham, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester and Sheffield demolished less than 4,000 slums, even though they were able to build more than 100,000 council homes in the same period. In Sheffield, at least twenty-three groups were formed to protest about everything from the lack of recreation facilities to changes to rent-rebate schemes. Public expectations, which had risen after the war with the welfare state and economic growth, were being frustrated, giving rise to a tenant backlash.

This chapter investigates the causes of the mortality, and how it was mediated. It aims to achieve a model which provides as much explanatory power as possible for the survival pattern of the foundlings. The chapter shows the results of investigating the variables for the two youngest datasets: infant under the age of one, and infants who had not yet been placed with a nurse. In each case, the results represent the impact of that variable alone. The dataset following those children who were placed with nurses examines the effects of hospital policy and the institutional environment. It should be noted that this dataset excludes the least healthy children, who were most likely those who died in the hospital. The hazards models highlight a set of factors which set the stage for high mortality, in particular gender, the season of abandonment and the distance travelled to reach a nurse.

This chapter considers the first stage of the communist life cycle as it unfolded in the context of the communist home. According to 'Molly' Murphy, it was not uncommon for communist parents in 1920s Britain to favour giving their children a 'proletarian education' at home. Beyond the rearing of the 'communist baby', the chapter also looks at how older children were raised in the communist home. The chapter also considers the role of the Communist Party woman within the framework of communist mothering and parentcraft. In the narrative of mothercraft, parenting and the home, the Soviet Union was held up as a model to emulate. From early 1936, and for the next few years, childrearing advice to communist mothers was being provided through the columns of the Daily Worker on a regular basis by 'Nurse Jane Geddes'.

The logical place to start a new study of Down and Connor would be to examine the careers of its bishops. Francis Hutchinson is fitted for such a study, because there is enough extant primary source material to enable a detailed picture to be built up of his time as bishop between 1721 and 1739. Hutchinson was convinced that the Church and state in Ireland would be served by devising and implementing conversion schemes designed to remove the political threat posed by the mass of the population's adherence and political deference to Roman Catholicism and the pope. In the Church of Ireland, the day-to-day running of the Church was handled by the lower clergy, which left bishops with three main duties. The duties are to perform regular visitations of their diocese, to ensure the Church had a ready supply of ordinands and to confirm the laity.

Joel Sternfeld's Treading on Kings: Protesting the G8 in Genoa is a series of twenty-seven formal portraits published on the occasion of an exhibition of Sternfeld's project at the White Box Gallery in New York. The main body of the book consists of portraits of participants and activists who travelled to Genoa to protest against the policies of the eight richest countries of the world. The activists' reported statements, on the left page of the portrait, vary from statement to statement, from describing feelings and intentions to long explanatory texts arguing against capitalism, economic inequalities and exploitation of the poor countries and ecological destruction. Sternfeld's avoidance of spontaneous shooting on the streets of Genoa is based on anti-photojournalistic principles. This distance from the tradition of photojournalism and its obsession with the worthwhile picture that would make headlines was also highlighted by the curators at the White Box Gallery.