This paper explores the implications of Jīva Gosvāmī’s (sixteenth century) Bhedābheda Vedānta for the contemporary philosophical debate on consciousness, thereby contributing to the broader and growing interest in the insights that Indian traditions may bring to current discussions in the philosophy of mind. More specifically, I develop here a metaphysical, coarse-grained partial reconstruction of Jīva’s thought, arguing that it can be interpreted as a distinctive form of priority cosmopsychism, which I term śakti-based Vedānta cosmopsychism. Needless to say, this involves both a terminological and a taxonomical task, as I seek to clarify how key aspects of Jīva’s thought can be articulated through the conceptual framework and vocabulary of contemporary metaphysics and philosophy of mind. In the final part of the paper, I turn to a more fine-grained analysis, examining the implications of śakti-based Vedānta cosmopsychism for central issues in the philosophy of consciousness, including the causal exclusion problem and the explanatory gap problem, here framed as the individuation problem. I also address some few objections, among them a cosmopsychist formulation of the Vedāntic problem of imperfection.

This essay examines the project Russian Style (2022–) as a “flagship” example of pro-war contemporary art in Russia. It investigates the cultural logic of Vladimir Putin’s Russia, conceptualized as Ruscism/Russism: an articulation of Russian-identitarian, nationalist, and imperialist segments of society. Linked to populist resentment and the ongoing struggle for hegemony, Ruscism/Russism operates as a mindset, geographic imagination, spatial identity, and technology. To illuminate its syncretism and its formation within—and reshaping of—the art field, this essay examines three principal sources: late-Soviet official art, nonconformist art, and Neo-Eurasianism as a transgressive subculture through case studies of Oskar Rabin, Nikolai Andronov, and Alexei Belyaev-Gintovt, leading figures in these strands. Ruscism/Russism has coalesced from the geoculturally specific, nationalist, and imperialist elements present in these sources, appropriating and intensifying them in novel ways. Methodologically, this study draws on art history, cultural criticism, and cultural geography to investigate contemporary Russia through its art and culture.

In recent years, proposals for legislatures composed of ordinary citizens have attracted renewed attention. Political theorists have advanced diverse arguments for transferring legislative powers traditionally reserved for elected officials to randomly selected citizens, appealing to fairness, equality, and protection against corruption, as well as to improved representation and collective problem-solving. Yet these arguments hinge on a contested assumption: that citizens can competently legislate and resist capture by experts or interest groups. This paper examines the 2019–2020 French Citizens’ Convention for Climate (CCC) as a proof of concept for citizen lawmaking. Drawing on firsthand observations we argue that the CCC’s design effectively transformed its 150 members into de facto legislators. We develop the concept of the “citizen-legislator,” refining Mark Warren’s (2009) notion of the “citizen-representative,” and propose criteria for evaluating the quality of citizens’ legislative outputs. Finally, we identify the normative principle “citizens on top, experts on tap” as crucial to the Convention’s ability to preserve citizen autonomy and prevent capture. The CCC, we conclude, demonstrates the feasibility of involving ordinary citizens qua legislators in more inclusive and participatory forms of democratic governance.

From 1948 until 1967, Israel banned German language films, plays, and vocal music. Largely forgotten today, this article unravels the shifting contours of the ban—the only formal ban ever instituted by Israel on Germany—and unearths its rationales. It does so by focusing on the government agency in charge of formulating and administering the ban, the Film and Theatre Review Board. The article makes four arguments. First, the ban sought to protect the feelings of Holocaust survivors specifically, and Israeli society generally. Traumatized by the Holocaust, Israeli censors wished to remove any reminders of Germany from the public sphere. Second, the fluctuations of the ban tracked diplomatic developments with Germany and the changing sentiments in Israel toward postwar Germany. Third, the ban contributed to a discourse of national dignity and honor, bolstering the argument in favor of an independent Jewish state. Finally, the ban positioned the Board as an entity that claimed to speak for Jews, downplaying demands by Israeli Jews who wanted to consume German culture. As such, the ban should be viewed as an act of nation building and as an important component in the construction of a new Israeli identity, distinct from and independent of the diaspora Jew.

Poincaré series are of fundamental importance in the theory of modular forms. For a fixed even integer $k \ge 4$, the space of modular forms of weight k can be spanned by certain Poincaré series. We provide a criterion for a modular form to have a specified number of zeros on the unit circle in the standard fundamental domain for the action of $\mathrm {SL}(2,{\mathbb {Z}})$ on the complex upper half-plane. The criterion is given in terms of the coefficients that are obtained by writing the modular form as a linear combination of the generating Poincaré series.

¿Cómo reconcilian los académicos del ámbito socio-jurídico, que comparan las sanciones monetarias con “sacarle sangre a un nabo” o “sacarle sangre a una piedra,” estas expresiones con el hecho de que las multas y recargos constituyen una industria en expansión? Abordamos este enigma enfocándonos en lo que tal vez sea la experiencia más común con sanciones monetarias entre la población: las multas de estacionamiento. Dado que las multas de estacionamiento se adjudican en un ámbito legal fundamentalmente distinto al de las sanciones penales – que dominan la atención académica –, nos preguntamos si estos resultados pueden extenderse más allá del ámbito penal hacia el municipal. Usando a Chicago como estudio de caso, nuestra investigación analiza los determinantes estructurales de 11.3 millones de multas emitidas entre 2013 y 2017. Aplicamos una serie de modelos de conteo para predecir las tasas de incidencia de las multas a nivel de tracto censal, así como para estimar cuántas estuvieron sujetas a sanciones por impago. Lo que encontramos evidencia disparidades racializadas en cuanto a quiénes son el objetivo de estas sanciones y quiénes resultan más perjudicados por ellas. Para interpretar estos resultados, articulamos ideas clave de la teoría crítica de la raza empírica junto con desarrollos recientes de la teoría de la depredación.

Angustothyrididae Dagys, 1972 is a key group of terebratulide brachiopods, because it exhibits characteristics bridging the two major suborders, Terebratulidina and Terebratellidina, and could represent an evolutionary link between them. However, the taxonomy of its type genus, Angustothyris Dagys, 1972, has remained poorly understood. Our restudy of specimens from the Middle Triassic of Hungary and southwestern China, including material from the type localities, reveals that the specimens previously assigned to Angustothyris actually represent multiple genera. This indicates that the diversity of this group has been underestimated, leading us to establish Balatonithyris new genus, Qianothyris new genus, and Angustothyris aszofoensis new species. The long teloform loop in Qianothyris n. gen. fills a morphological gap between short-looped terebratulidines and long-looped terebratellidines, supporting a Late Permian–Triassic origin of the terebratellidines from the Angustothyrididae. The morphological evidence, however, conflicts with molecular data that suggest an earlier divergence between the two suborders. This contradiction implies that either the Angustothyrididae is not the direct ancestor of terebratellidines, or that the terebratellidines are a polyphyletic group with multiple evolutionary origins.

UUID: http://zoobank.org/b19352c0-8352-4bba-a0b1-a95963f3da38

This article analyzes three kinds of privilege—roughly, the monopoly or near-monopoly of a prized social good by a group—in terms of the political barriers facing attempts to reform them. Extending previous work, it distinguishes among discrimination privileges, which are zero-sum and relative, benefiting some groups at others’ expense; monopolized social right privileges, involving goods enjoyed only by some that can and should be extended to all; and differential treatment privileges, involving disagreement over whether a good currently monopolized by some should be extended to all or to none. The political barriers to reforming discrimination privilege involve group interest; those to reforming monopolized social rights include privilege, ignorance, cost, priorities, policy uncertainty, and the psychological wage. Differential treatment privilege is complicated. An exercise in applied political realism, this article treats normative categories as political inputs rather than philosophical conclusions and seeks to demonstrate the insights enabled by doing so.