Task-based language teaching (TBLT), an instructional approach for promoting real world communicative language use, has gained substantial attention among researchers and educators of additional languages, traditionally referred to as second languages (L2) and foreign languages (FL). Existing research on TBLT and tasks, predominantly conducted with adult learners, has primarily examined how meaning-focused tasks enhance (or do not enhance) learners’ communicative abilities in the target language and how different task implementations yield different outcomes (Ellis, 2017).

We present the discovery of a large-scale, limb-brightened outflow, extending at least 30 kpc above and below the star-forming disk of the edge-on galaxy ESO 130-G012 (D = 16.9 Mpc). Partially obscured by Galactic foreground stars and dust, this optically unremarkable, low-mass galaxy reveals one of the largest known hourglass-shaped outflows from the full extent of its bright stellar disk. The outflow was discovered in 944 MHz radio continuum images from the Australian Square Kilometre Array Pathfinder obtained as part of the ‘Evolutionary Map of the Universe’ (EMU) project. Its height is at least 3$\times$ that of the stellar disk diameter ($\sim$10 kpc), while its shape and size most resemble the large biconical, edge-brightened FUV and X-ray outflows in the nearby starburst galaxy NGC 3079. The large-scale, hourglass-shaped outflow of ESO 130-G012 appears to be hollow and originates from the star-forming disk, expanding into the halo with speeds close to the escape velocity before likely returning to the disk. Given ESO 130-G012’s modest star formation rate, the height of the outflow is surprising and unusual, likely made possible by the galaxy’s relatively low gravitational potential. Follow-up observations are expected to detect hot gas inside the bipolar outflow cones and magnetic fields along the X-shaped outflow wings. Neutral gas may also be lifted above the inner disk by the outflow.

Political science concerns topics that can be highly relevant for politicians. Political science research and education offer insights that can help incumbents win elections or govern better. At the same time, the discipline provides knowledge that can be used to challenge politicians in office, for example, on how to organise mass protests or effective opposition parties. Therefore, politicians in power may have mixed feelings about the existence of political science departments. Some will encourage their establishment, while others – perhaps especially autocrats – may try to contain their presence or control their location. We study the existence and placement of political science units at universities across the world and assess the extent to which these features vary with regime type. Using large-N data on university subdivisions, we examine cross-national variation in existence and within-country variation in the location of political science departments. We find surprisingly few substantial differences along the democracy–autocracy continuum: Political science units, on average, are no more frequent in democracies. Across regime types, political science units are about equally likely to be located at public (versus private) institutions, and similarly likely to be placed at universities closer to the capital.

Since the 1960s, increasing numbers of women have won the highest office in the world’s democracies despite clear gender effects in gaining office. But does reelection show the same gendered effects? Recent research suggests that compared to male leaders, women leaders often come to high office in more difficult conditions; enter with lower approval ratings; and experience more rapid decline in ratings over time. We know little, however, about the conditions that affect their odds of reelection. Does the type of office—president or prime minister—matter? Do economic and political conditions during their tenure affect their odds of success? We analyze gender and leader reelection across electoral democracies in the Americas, Europe, Africa, and Asia,1960–2023. We show that among leaders eligible to run, men and women have roughly equal odds of winning. We also find that women run somewhat more often than men.

Various strategies across food systems are needed for a systemic change, with dietary shifts representing a meaningful pathway – particularly in high-income nations. Plant-based analogues (PBA) that mimic animal-based foods represent a promising strategy to facilitate such shifts because they require minimal behaviour adjustments. This review aims to synthesise nutritional, health and environmental evidence on PBA by examining their benefits, challenges and research gaps to inform and support evidence-based policy and practice. PBA generally have lower greenhouse gas emissions, land use and water use than their animal-based counterparts. Nutritionally, PBA are complex, varying across product brands, product types, processing techniques and primary ingredients. The limited health evidence shows that consumption of plant-based meat analogues tends to be associated with positive health outcomes, while consumption of some plant-based drinks can be linked to micronutrient deficiencies. Fortified PBA can contribute to daily recommended intakes and sometimes provide more micronutrients than their animal-based counterparts, while also providing more fibre and less energy and saturated fat. Despite these potential benefits, debates persist around processing classifications and their health implications. Given this complex landscape, assessing what kind of role PBA could play in our food systems will demand product-specific evaluation, targeted dietary recommendations and expanding the range of healthier PBA. To advance the field and accelerate dietary shifts without unintended consequences, critical considerations include strengthening the nutritional evidence base, classifying PBA further for dietary recommendations and informed regulatory approaches, understanding processing effects and use of additives, and standardising environmental outcomes and research beyond single ingredients.

Speculative xenomusicology explores alternative music theories, imagining the physical and cognitive affordances of alien musical life. Exoplanets are actively studied in astronomy, and though there is no direct evidence of xenobiology, particularly of more advanced musical intelligences, potential alien music may still be considered in advance in the same way that exobiologists speculate on the conditions for alien life. In particular, a generative system is presented which creates imagined xenomusic based on altering human memory constraints and links the organisation of the sound to the parallel generation of an alien language. Microtonal pitch, complex rhythm, timbral material and spatialisation within putative alien architectures are all considered. This alien ‘analysis by synthesis’ can provide new musical adventures and new understanding of the possibilities of music theoretical space, regardless of any eventual ontological resolution of xenocultures.

What did the bishop of Montevideo Mariano Soler and the Chilean politician Carlos Walker Martínez wish to see in the East in the late nineteenth century? As representatives of an ultramontane culture, both travellers provide a perspective on global Catholicism from the Orient. Their journeys inspired reflections on prophecies, the biblical origins of the Americas and the challenges posed by science, liberalism and secularisation. Through an analysis of their works, this article examines the place of the Orient in their discourses and imaginaries, highlighting how they enrich our understanding of a shared Catholic and travel culture in South America.

Policymakers influence citizens’ behavior through language and through policy. In this study, we build on this distinction and use Large Language Models to study how fathers are talked about, i.e., portrayals of fathers, in parliamentary documents. The case is Sweden, a forerunner in policies encouraging an engaged father. Portrayals of fathers are related to policymaking and to fathers’ use of parental leave. The results show that an active fatherhood role dominates over a passive role in this type of documents, and that an active positive role dominates over an active negative role. However, over time (1993–2021) there is a narrowing of the gap between mentions of active positive and active negative fatherhood roles, which coincides with stalled developments in fathers’ use of parental leave. We conclude that portrayals of fathers are more mixed than expected and theorize about a signaling mechanism through which language surrounding fathers may influence their behavior.

As the conduit for approximately 99 per cent of digital communications globally, submarine cables are the backbone of the internet and modern digital societies. Amid global strategic competition, submarine cable network security has emerged as a central concern for states, ushering in a distinctive era of geopolitical-economic competition over these seabed networks. This paper focuses attention on state intervention in the form of ‘friendshoring’, which has increasingly dictated the control of information flows through submarine cable networks. A term that emerged during the Biden administration, ‘friendshoring’ refers to how states encourage firms to shift trade and supply chain networks to countries that are viewed as sharing political values. Using the Coral Sea Cable System, the East Micronesia Cable System, and Palau Spur Cable as case studies, this paper illuminates how and why these so-called like-minded states have sought to develop collective control of submarine cable networks – what we describe as ‘network centrality’ – by excluding ‘unfriendly’ states from the development of seabed cable networks in an increasingly contested maritime region. While states seek to ‘friendshore’ the seabed to reduce geopolitical and economic risks and enhance influence in smaller countries, the practice contributes to reifying strategic competition and global economy bifurcation.

Given a continuous linear cocycle $\mathcal {A}$ over a homeomorphism f of a compact metric space X, we investigate its set $\mathcal {R}$ of Lyapunov-Perron regular points, that is, the collection of trajectories of f that obey the conclusions of the Multiplicative Ergodic Theorem. We obtain results roughly saying that the set $\mathcal {R}$ is of first Baire category (i.e., meager) in X, unless some rigid structure is present. In some settings, this rigid structure forces the Lyapunov exponents to be defined everywhere and to be independent of the point; that is what we call complete regularity.

Feminism has been a major equalizing social movement that has faced powerful resistance. To better understand such opposition, we conceptualize, measure, and analyze perceptions of feminism as a threat, using a novel survey measure of feminism-related threat perceptions in Spain. Our results show that general psychological predispositions to feel threatened are among the most important predictors of perceptions of feminism as a threat. Contrary to expectations, women feel similarly threatened by feminism as men, which is driven by women’s generally higher predisposition to feel threatened. Further, men’s and women’s perceptions of feminism as threatening are associated with different political profiles: Men who feel threatened by feminism tend to sympathize with the far right, while women who feel threatened by feminism do not have a particular political profile. Our results highlight that feminism faces challenges that go beyond the expected anti-feminist attitudes driven by the intersection of gender and ideology.

Nadakkal Parameswaran Pillai, a worker at the Indian Coffee House (ICH) in Trichur, later recalled that the cooperative found its place in history through its “martyrdom” at the hands of Sanjay Gandhi during India’s Emergency (1975–1977). Before the state demolished its Connaught Place location in 1976, that flagship café in New Delhi became the largest and most visible expression of workers’ confidence. From selling coffee on the street, they collectively acquired prime urban property and created a central meeting place for ministers, bureaucrats, intellectuals, artists, and political activists. That ICH emerged as a site of resistance during the Emergency appears puzzling given its origins as a colonial Coffee Board enterprise. Yet its transformation into a workers’ cooperative reshaped both its clientele and its political significance, turning it by the 1970s into a space of oppositional sociability. The cooperative form itself was unexpected. In the decades before 1957, when ICH formally became a workers’ cooperative, Communist Party of India (CPI) leaders and union organizers had pursued nationalization as part of a broader vision of socialist development. After prolonged agitation, however, the CPI accepted the organization of newly unemployed Coffee Board workers into a cooperative rather than a state-owned enterprise—an outcome that disappointed many rank-and-file activists. Drawing on archival materials, memoirs, and oral histories from multiple continents, this article reconstructs the history of the ICH workers’ movement from the 1930s through the Emergency, explaining why workers first occupied and appropriated a colonial institution and ultimately compromised with the Nehruvian state.

The promise of cleansing judiciaries of judges who are unfit for democracy and rule of law paradigms has been central to judicial reforms for European post-communist countries approaching the Europe they imagined. Thrice already in the past 30 years, Central Eastern European (CEE) and Southeastern European countries (SEE) applied extraordinary accountability mechanisms for judges. The latter promised to be the exceptional and ultimate stretch for the judiciaries, a one-time necessary precondition for them to be able to transition out of the past and into the ‘fully fledged independent and accountable’ judiciary prescribed transnationally. From one round of judicial reforms to another, shaped by different requirements of transitional societies in Europe, judicial cleansing operations have returned to fix the same persisting problem of judicial integrity-building. This article aims to show these measures are not to be exclusively relied upon to instate sustainable independent and accountable courts, precisely because of the risks related to their extraordinary nature, their problematic rule of law exceptions, and the leeway for abuse they create in critical junctures as products and enablers of transition.

Although temperamental negative affectivity has been identified as a developmental mechanism mediating the link between perinatal risk and internalizing problems in early childhood, its role in predicting broader behavioral and emotional problems across childhood remains understudied. We examined the longitudinal relations among perinatal complications (i.e., prenatal maternal depression and cardiometabolic complications, preterm birth, and low birth weight), children’s negative affectivity (Mage = 2.76; SD = 2.32; range = 0.24–12.46 years), and children’s internalizing, externalizing, and total problems (Mage = 5.12; SD = 2.63; range = 1.50–16.85 years) in the Environmental influences on Child Health Outcomes (ECHO) program (N = 3070; 47% females). Results support child negative affectivity as a mechanism in the developmental pathway linking perinatal maternal depressive symptoms and preterm birth to future emotional and behavioral problems, underscoring the importance of early prevention and intervention efforts to promote psychological well-being of at-risk children.