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This article analyzes Southern cotton interests and the agricultural politics within the Roosevelt Administration, offering insights into how market conditions can shape reform agendas and the considerable opportunities for capture that accompany ambitious reform agendas that rely on interested experts. It shows that Southern cotton interests within the Administration were divided into interest groups, depending on their market position, that mapped onto a broader national constellation of agricultural interest groups. These groups competed among themselves for capture of a reform agenda that was adjudicated by the responses of the cotton market to different interventions.
Colorectal cancer is a leading cause of cancer mortality in Australia, with many patients requiring complex end-of-life care. Evidence of potentially burdensome end-of-life care specific to colorectal cancer populations in hospital settings is limited. This study aimed to examine factors associated with indicators of potentially burdensome end-of-life care among people who died from colorectal cancer and received hospital-based care in New South Wales, Australia.
Methods
A retrospective population-based cohort study was conducted using linked data from the NSW Cancer Registry, hospital, and mortality records (2014–2019). Adults aged ≥20 years whose underlying cause of death was colorectal cancer and who were hospitalized in their final year of life were included. Multivariable logistic regression models examined associations between patient demographics and all indicators. Multinominal logistic regression examined predictors of a composite indicator comprising 4 indicators of potentially burdensome end-of-life care.
Results
Of 9,476 colorectal cancer decedents, 15.7% died in acute care. Within the last 30 days of life, 13.1% had >1 emergency department presentation, 9.2% had >1 hospital admission, and 3.1% had an intensive care unit admission. The composite indicator identified 71.3% of patients with no indicators, 18.9% with 1, and 9.8% with ≥2 indicators of potentially burdensome end-of-life care. Higher odds of potentially burdensome end-of-life care were observed among people who smoke, people living in rural locations, who had a lower socioeconomic status, a prior cancer diagnosis, or their final admission was to a private hospital. Females, people with comorbidities, and people who had a longer survival duration, had lower odds of potentially burdensome end-of-life care.
Significance of results
Findings highlight socioeconomic and system-level disparities that may inform policy and clinical strategies to improve equitable, patient-centered end-of-life care.
Temporary Childbirth Migration (TCM), where women return to their natal homes during or after pregnancy, is a common but understudied practice in India and South Asia. This study examines the influence of social support systems on TCM decisions among Indian women, focusing on the roles of husbands, in-laws, and parents. The study was conducted in the Vadu Health and Demographic Surveillance System (HDSS) in Western Maharashtra, India, and involved 41 in-depth interviews with triads comprising women, their husbands, and mothers-in-law. Participants varied in age, education, occupation, marriage, migration type, and delivery method and included women with infants up to two years old. Data were analysed using rapid and traditional coding approaches with predefined and emergent codes. Findings were categorised under four key domains of social support: emotional, financial, instrumental, and informational. Emotional support from mothers fosters a stress-free environment; financial support from family influences location; instrumental support for household tasks differs across settings; and informational guidance from experienced family members guides expectant mothers. Healthcare access, household status, and the husband’s role also shape migration choices. Women prioritise proximity to medical facilities, comfort, and freedom in their natal homes. Decisions are typically inclusive, involving multiple family members. The study shows that social support, cultural norms, and practical needs influence TCM decisions, and further research is needed to support women’s choices during the perinatal period. In conclusion, recognising emotional, financial, informational, and instrumental support can help providers and policymakers improve maternal and child health outcomes.
In recent years, mental health policy and legislation have changed dramatically, allowing for more human rights-based and recovery-orientated services to come into being. One example of this is the enactment of The Assisted Decision Making (Capacity) Act 2015 which allowed for conversations to begin within mental health about respecting the wishes of the person, even when they are in crisis. Within health discourse, this can be achieved through the creation of an advance healthcare directive. However, to date, within mental health services, clinicians, and service users do not have a recognised template that can be adapted for this purpose when a service user loses capacity to make decisions about their own life and care they receive. This paper proposes that Wellness Recovery Action Planning (WRAP), and particularly the crisis and post-crisis planning section of the programme should be used as a potential structure for such advance healthcare directives to be formulated. This is potentially plausible due to how engrained WRAP is in Irish mental health services, the evidence base backing for WRAP as well as the ease of use of the initiative to support overall well-being. As such, this paper has laid out how such plans can be used as an advance healthcare directive in an Irish setting and is also likely to be applicable internationally.
To identify interactions between the food, beverage, and nutrition supplement industry and nutrition professionals (NP) in Australia.
Design:
The study employed a cross-sectional analysis of interactions by using an online survey including open and closed questions.
Setting:
Australia.
Participants:
156 practicing NPs were recorded, 118 of them included in the analysis, 86 of which were dietitians.
Results:
Among respondents, 88 (75%) reported having previously received promotional material from industry and 74 (66%) have attended industry-sponsored educational events for professional development. 56 (47%) reported receiving gifts from industry in the past year. Of those that have received promotional or educational material, 11 (12%) found it not useful at all, while others declared it slightly to extremely useful. Further analysis revealed that professional bodies and networks acted as intermediaries between industry and NPs and that there were differences in judgement based on the specific industry they receive the material from.
Conclusion:
The Australian food, beverage, and nutrition supplement industry is attempting to actively engage with nutrition professionals to promote their products through trusted sources. NPs’ opinions on this vary, and further research is needed to examine the scope and impact of these interactions.
In a globalised world, authoritarian politics does not stay within state borders. Autocrats and their allies reach abroad to influence their international environment to, at a minimum, protect authoritarianism at home or, more ambitiously, to promote pro-authoritarian norms and practices abroad. A rich stream of political science literature – comparative, international and area studies – has mapped the contours of this ‘transnational authoritarianism’ in an increasingly permissive international environment. This review article argues that transnational authoritarianism is facilitated by the rise of authoritarian powers and deepening globalisation. It first examines the drivers of contemporary transnational authoritarianism before identifying and categorising its central actors. The review then organises the literature on this topic into two strands, each enabled by autocracies’ ascendance in a globalised era. First, official channels of transnational authoritarianism see mostly state actors advance regime goals with familiar instruments such as security cooperation agreements, but with renewed vigour and support. Second, unofficial channels feature a mix of state and non-state actors exerting leverage and influence within the networks and channels of global interconnectedness. By necessity, these categories traverse the fields of comparative politics and international relations, revealing how these transnational dimensions are critical to the success of contemporary authoritarian regimes. The review concludes by revisiting earlier literature on autocracy promotion considering these emergent realities, and reflecting on how recent political developments in the United States relate to these processes.
Chapter 9 investigates how political parties strategically use ambiguity in their campaign pledges to navigate the policy constraints imposed by globalization. As international integration limits domestic policy discretion, parties – particularly those in government – face a dilemma: how to appeal to voters while avoiding promises they may be unable to fulfill. This chapter combines observational evidence with original cross-national data on pledge clarity to demonstrate that parties increasingly rely on ambiguous language to maintain electoral appeal while reducing the risks of future accountability. The analysis reveals that this trend is most pronounced for governing parties and those operating in highly globalized economies, where the tension between responsiveness and responsibility is particularly acute. Rather than abandoning pledges entirely, these parties blur their commitments, complicating voters’ ability to hold them accountable and thereby altering the democratic chain of delegation. Ambiguity thus emerges not as a signal of incompetence or deception but as a strategic adaptation to the pressures of international economic interdependence.
In high-income countries, fertility is increasingly postponed into ages when fecundity declines, elevating the risk of unmet reproductive goals. In this context, how individuals perceive their own and their partner’s reproductive potential may carry important implications for well-being and relationship stability, long before clinical infertility is diagnosed. Drawing on 13 waves of longitudinal data from the German Family Panel (pairfam), this study uses individual fixed-effects models to examine how within-person changes in perceived fecundity – both one’s own and one’s partner’s – are related to life satisfaction, relationship satisfaction, and union dissolution. By capturing both individual and partner assessments, this approach emphasizes the couple as the key unit of reproductive experience. Declines in both own and partner’s perceived fecundity are associated with lower life and relationship satisfaction. However, perceptions of a partner’s fecundity exert a stronger influence on relationship outcomes than self-perceptions. In particular, decreases in partner-perceived fecundity increase the risk of separation, a pattern not observed for changes in one’s own fecundity. These associations do not vary significantly by gender but are moderated by parental status and age, with effects being weaker among parents and older individuals. By integrating both self- and partner assessments of fecundity, this study advances a dyadic, life course perspective on fertility. It shows that subjective reproductive potential functions as a relational stressor with meaningful consequences for emotional well-being and relationship trajectories.