Many people around the globe, including in Europe, have been recently affected by various global crises. In the last 20 years, Europe has experienced the financial crisis, the refugee crisis, COVID-19, increasing extreme weather events associated with climate change, and the breakout of a new war between Russia and Ukraine. This exacerbation of crises has brought increasing scholarly attention to the ‘politics of crises.’ Scholars in political science have examined the politics of crises across a range of domains, such as energy (e.g. Aklin and Urpelainen, 2013; Hancock and Allison, 2020; Bayer et al., 2025), finance (e.g. Mosley and Singer, 2009; Walter, 2013; Pepinsky, 2014; Copelovitch and Singer, 2020), pandemics (e.g. Worsnop, 2017; Youde, 2018), and migration (e.g. Rudolph, 2003; Hopkins, 2010).

The permanent closure of large marine areas is often regarded as an effective strategy for conserving marine biodiversity. However, implementing large permanent closures can be difficult in many small-scale fisheries systems, where communities depend heavily on marine resources for their livelihoods and food security, and where issues of equity and access must be carefully considered. Around the world, many coastal communities instead rely on temporary closures – areas that open and close over time – to balance ecological recovery with ongoing use. Despite their prevalence and potential, these dynamic approaches remain conceptually underdeveloped compared to permanent marine-protected areas. This article calls for a reevaluation of marine management’s prevailing focus on space by bringing time to the forefront of analysis. We introduce a framework that distinguishes two key temporal dimensions – duration and cyclicity – to clarify how different temporal designs shape ecological, social and governance outcomes. Within this framework, cyclicity captures how closures and openings alternate over time, including the relative balance between periods of access and closure (i.e., the access ratio). Drawing on diverse examples where temporary management is implemented, this framework lays the groundwork for developing more formal theory and comparative evidence about how temporal strategies can align ecological recovery with livelihood dynamics in resource-dependent systems.

This study focuses on a multidimensional evaluation of China’s artificial intelligence (AI) governance policies by employing the Policy Modeling Consistency (PMC) index model to systematically analyze the performance and coherence of these policies in terms of goal setting, technological attributes, risk governance, and socio-cultural institutional embedding. The study conceptualizes AI as a novel form of cultural and social technology rather than merely an intelligent agent. This perspective highlights AI’s role in reorganizing and restructuring information flow, cultural expression, and institutional operations. By constructing a PMC evaluation framework that integrates technological, risk, and socio-cultural dimensions, this research reveals both strengths and weaknesses in the current policy system, particularly significant gaps in embedding socio-cultural institutions. Combining theoretical and empirical analyses, the PMC model offers an effective framework for understanding the institutional dynamics of AI governance in China. The findings enrich theoretical perspectives on AI governance and provide empirical support for policy formulation.

SHAME and GUILT refer to compositional emotional experiences, some aspects of which are shared across linguacultures, while others are shaped by socialisation. This study combines questionnaire and corpus data to explore how people talk about and possibly experience SHAME and GUILT in English and Japanese contexts. First, keyword analysis is used to identify English and Japanese expressions frequently used in SHAME- and GUILT-inducing situations. These keywords are treated as potential markers of SHAME and GUILT. The focus then shifts to emotion co-occurrence. Assuming that emotions rarely occur in isolation, I examine patterns of lexical co-occurrence in two general corpora of Japanese and English, using some of the previously identified keywords as nodes. The findings suggest that FEAR and SADNESS have a dominant role in the emotional landscapes of SHAME and GUILT in both languages. In the English data, we find references to ANGER and DISGUST, while in the Japanese data, GUILT is more strongly associated with the semantic sphere of ‘responsibility’. Methodologically, the study exemplifies an innovative approach to operationalising emotion through terms that emerge from the data itself and is more generally relevant to scholars interested in questions that revolve around (relative) ineffability and linguacultural variation.

Developing food-waste-based hydroponic fertilizers (FWBHF) addresses growing urban sprawl and the growing adoption of urban horticulture, improving nutrient cycling and sustainability in our food production systems. This study profiles plant-available nutrients across a range of food products, divided into three main groups (protein-rich, carbohydrate-rich, and fiber-rich) after exposure to anaerobic and aerobic fermentation and vermicompost techniques. Leachates were analyzed for inorganic nutrients and heavy metals to compare with a conventional synthetic hydroponic fertilizer. Key findings identified deficiencies in nitrogen and calcium across all treatments. Nutrient availability in the protein-rich group (beef and chicken) was consistent across both aerobic and anaerobic treatments, with the exception of aerobic fermentation producing a significantly higher level of phosphorus and potassium compared to the control. This was contradicted by the high variation between treatments in the carbohydrate-rich group (pasta and bread), which often produced contradicting nutrient outcomes in the same treatment group, this was attributed to differences in wheat varieties and value-added processes affecting the inorganic nutrient availability in this group. The vermicompost leachate, vermiliquer, contained statistically similar levels of potassium, phosphorus, magnesium, and zinc when compared to the control, but was significantly deficient in nitrogen, calcium, and sulfur. Despite this, it was identified as a potential ‘all-in-one’ solution, being low in heavy metals, elemental toxicity, and odorless when compared to fermentation treatments. These results aim to assist future developments in FWBHF by profiling inorganic nutrient availability across food groups when exposed to vermicomposting and aerobic/anaerobic fermentation techniques.

Museums often speak with a single, confident voice, but this authority was built by many hands. In this article, I show how natural history museums in India and China relied on wide networks of collectors, hunters, taxidermists, and local intermediaries to build and sustain their collections, even though credit and curatorial power were far from being equally shared. In British India, museum collecting grew alongside the infrastructure of East India Company rule. In China, early museums developed in urban, treaty-port settings, where Chinese assistants to foreign missionaries collected, prepared, and exhibited specimens. I call this dynamic asymmetric co-curation—the making of museum knowledge through shared and often cross-cultural labor, while the authority to classify, display, publish, and claim that knowledge remained unevenly held. By tracing this process across India and China, the article offers asymmetric co-curation as a way to understand how museums transform unequal labor into public authority.

We examined whether diet quality is associated with executive function (EF) in middle-aged women with a family history of Alzheimer’s disease (AD) and whether this is moderated by a genetic AD risk factor, APOE-ε4 allele carriage. Data from 102 low-physically active women (AgeMean = 56.9 ± 5.8 years) were analyzed cross-sectionally. Diet quality was quantified via the Healthy Eating Index-2020 (HEI-2020). Overall EF and sub-domains (working memory [WM], exogenous inhibitory control [ICex], endogenous inhibitory control [ICen], and cognitive flexibility) were measured using neurocognitive assessments. APOE-ε4 carriage was determined from saliva. Moderated regression models tested HEI-2020*APOE-ε4 interactions; significant (p < .05) and near-significant (p < .10) interactions were followed by simple slope analyses. Main effects of HEI-2020 predicted overall EF (p = .033) and WM (p = .003). Interaction effects of HEI-2020*APOE-ε4 for EF and WM (p’s = .056–.038) were such that diet quality was positively associated with overall EF (p = .003) and WM (p = .005) in noncarriers only. Main effects of select HEI-2020 sub-scores were observed for overall EF and sub-domains (p’s = .001–.047). Interaction effects of total vegetables*APOE-ε4 on overall EF and ICex, saturated fatty acids*APOE-ε4 on overall EF and WM, and added sugars*APOE-ε4 on ICen (p’s = .007–.074) were such that sub-scores were positively associated with cognition in noncarriers only (p’s < .05). Diet quality and select sub-scores were positively associated with EF in middle-aged women without APOE-ε4 only. Future work should explore if APOE-ε4 carriers require a threshold of diet quality to yield cognitive benefits.

Extraterritorial jurisdiction inherently tests the boundary between sovereign governance and international cooperation. It hovers between unilateralism and cosmopolitan conceptions of obligation. Evan Criddle has argued that extraterritorial laws violate the right to self-determination if those laws subject a people to “uninvited foreign rule.”1 In turn, however, the right to self-determination permits extraterritorial lawmaking in service of shared legal norms. This is because “there is no conflict between the right to self-determination and the extraterritorial extension of national laws based on universally accepted norms, such as those enshrined in international human rights law.”2 Criddle also accepts that active nationality jurisdiction is less likely to offend self-determination.3 Assuming Criddle is correct, criminal laws with extraterritorial scope that address climate change are likely to fall into the category of “laws based on universally accepted norms.” This is particularly so given the existential risks posed to all life on Earth by a warming planet, and the now widely recognized human right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment. Climate change also creates national security risks, and the right of a nation state to defend its national security is not incompatible with self-determination. While there is no fixed definition of national security under international law, and domestic definitions vary according to context, the essence of national security is the right and obligation of a nation state to defend its existence, its citizens, and its values. Even narrow conceptions of national security now accommodate climate change due to the breadth and depth of its existential consequences.

This article challenges the widespread framing of minority rights and democracy as opposing principles within the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). It argues that both share a common foundation in political equality and autonomy, and that their protection is historically, theoretically and practically intertwined. It argues that the ECtHR”s practice should recognize this connection more clearly and more openly, rather than treating democracy as a rationale for deference that undermines minority rights. Drawing on comparative constitutional law, particularly representation-reinforcement theory, it argues that the ECtHR might adjust and rethink some of its concepts to that purpose, in particular its procedural approach and the concept of vulnerability, and it might experiment with communication to better safeguard structurally disadvantaged groups while at the same time strengthening and respecting democratic processes. By situating minority protection within a broader democratic project, the paper proposes ways for the ECtHR to strengthen legitimacy, counter democratic backsliding and resist far-right efforts to weaponize ‘democracy’ against politically vulnerable groups.

A multi-technique approach has been proposed to characterize weathering phases and their relationships with the primary rhyolitic paragenesis at Piloni di Torniella (Tuscany, Italy) hydrothermal kaolin mine. Analyses were carried out on geological samples and on material extracted from the mine for assessment of the ceramic application of the raw material. A multi-technique protocol was applied, involving both bulk techniques (e.g. X-ray powder diffraction) and microanalytical techniques (e.g. petrographic analysis, scanning electron microscopy with energy-dispersive spectrometry and micro-Raman spectroscopy), including imaging applications. Some secondary phases, such as alunite, halloysite and α-cristobalite, were identified and characterized. Highlighting the presence of such phases is important for the mine license holder and traders, who should manage the specific properties of the final commercial mine products for ceramic applications. Furthermore, a better understanding of the alteration mechanism of biotite at the study site was achieved; in fact, where the alteration process is complete, both kaolinite and halloysite have been identified as intergrown phases in biotite pseudomorphs. This suggests the presence of a lower-temperature fluid (<100°C) percolating in some areas of the mine, probably representing a different alteration stage than that which led to the kaolinization.

A newly discovered unpublished declaration of Charles II on ‘ecclesiastical affairs’ of November 1661 allows us to reassess the making of the religious settlement of 1660–3. The declaration contains a review of developments since his return to England and demonstrates the king’s unwavering commitment to honour his promise at Breda of a ‘liberty to tender consciences’ to accompany the return of episcopal government and worship with the Prayer Book. It also indicates his consistent pursuit of these objectives and, more broadly, his critical role in religious politics from 1660 to 1663.

It is perhaps no exaggeration to suggest that the field of transnational criminal law (TCL) is one in which extraterritoriality rules. Most states interpret their jurisdiction over offenses occurring within their territory (referred to here, as it is in TCL literature, as “territorial jurisdiction”) as having an extraterritorial aspect.1 Further, treaties developed to facilitate cooperation in addressing certain serious transnational offenses (the “suppression conventions”) often require that states assert some forms of jurisdiction over offenses occurring outside their territories (referred to here, as it is in TCL literature, as “extraterritorial jurisdiction”), and permit assertions on additional bases.2 While these jurisdictional provisions provide a means for relatively weaker states to reinforce their sovereignty,3 they have also been a means through which more powerful states extend their power, giving new effect to the imperialist roots of extraterritoriality.4 Alongside this treaty-based expansion of state jurisdiction, there have also been proposals over the years to create international or regional courts to supplement domestic enforcement. Unsurprisingly, a consistent reason for which states advocate in favor of international courts to aid in suppressing transnational crimes is their lack of capacity.5 Another reason, however, has been that such a court would provide a means for relatively less powerful states to reinforce their sovereignty against intrusions by more powerful states. In this contribution, I resurface some of the reasons states gave in the 1930s for supporting the creation of an international anti-terrorism court and draw parallels with more recent efforts to create international or regional courts for the suppression of transnational crimes. My goal is to highlight how an international court can help resolve the sovereignty paradox created by TCL’s resort to extraterritorial jurisdiction.

How are feminized identities used to further the participation of Women in far-right populist movements? We examine this question by exploring the appropriation of #SavetheChildren by the far-right group, QAnon. We employ competing narratives of QAnon child trafficking campaign materials and those of Polaris, the largest anti-trafficking NGO in the United States, in an original survey of respondents to examine public responses to QAnon’s use of gendered stereotypes that tie women to motherhood and maternal duty. Our results illustrate the syncretic nature of QAnon and the complex reality of gender stereotypes. We find that motherhood and child protection narratives by QAnon do not mobilize women better than NGOs. However, QAnon narratives appear to be at least as good at mobilizing as NGO narratives and do so for the same groups. Further work in this area is crucial to understanding the complex relationship between gender and the rise of QAnon.

Commonly used components of health risk assessments and outbreak investigations are the proportion of the general population exposed to potential sources, often coming from national surveys collected with one reference period, such as 7 days. However, risk assessors may need this value for a different period of time (e.g. 1 day, a full year, etc.) and outbreak investigators may need a reference period that matches their case questionnaire. Use of these proportions is biased if the reference period does not match what is needed. Three surveys that collected exposure information with more than one reference group were used to fit six models that were developed to estimate the relationship between proportion and reference period length, and thus, convert proportions collected with one reference period to any desired reference period. A practical implementation of the best model is provided in a spreadsheet for health practitioners, such as those working in risk assessment or outbreaks who need to convert proportions to a new reference period. The conversion method can be used in any subject matter across the sciences, where surveys collect the proportion of respondents who experienced an event in a defined reference period.

Les régions rurales présentent une proportion élevée de personnes aînées utilisant plusieurs médicaments. Afin de guider les interventions en santé, cette étude descriptive qualitative visait à comprendre les perceptions de personnes aînées et de personnes proches aidantes vivant en milieu rural quant à la polypharmacie et à la déprescription. Des entrevues individuelles semi-dirigées ont été conduites auprès de personnes âgées de 65 ans et plus prenant cinq médicaments ou plus quotidiennement et de personnes proches aidantes de personnes aînées. L’analyse thématique inductive a révélé que la polypharmacie soulève des inquiétudes, mais qu’elle est perçue comme essentielle. Pour les personnes aînées et les personnes proches aidantes, le médecin demeure une figure de confiance en matière de médicaments. Une approche participative et individualisée par les professionnels de la santé permettrait d’impliquer davantage les personnes et leurs proches pour surmonter les défis liés à la polypharmacie et à la déprescription.