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Studies have shown that klotho, a neuroprotective protein, plays a crucial role in neurodevelopment. However, its association with attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), the most prevalent neurodevelopmental disorder, remains uncertain.
Aims
To elucidate klotho levels in adolescents with ADHD and to clarify its association with executive function.
Method
The present study enrolled 92 adolescents (mean approximate age 14 years) diagnosed with ADHD and 80 age-matched healthy adolescents. All participants had their klotho levels measured and underwent the Wisconsin Card Sorting Test (WCST); their parents fulfilled the Swanson, Nolan and Pelham IV (SNAP-IV) scale and the Child Behavior Checklist-Dysregulation Profile (CBCL-DP).
Results
Results from generalised linear models (GLMs), with adjustments for age, gender, body mass index, clinical symptoms (SNAP-IV and CBCL-DP scores) and ADHD medication use, indicated that adolescents with ADHD had significantly lower klotho levels (P = 0.044) and performed worse on WCST (P = 0.027) compared with healthy adolescents. The GLMs further indicated a negative association between klotho levels and the percentage of non-perseverative errors on WCST (P = 0.002).
Conclusions
Klotho may serve as a novel biomarker of ADHD and play a key role in ADHD-related executive dysfunction.
Does deference to religious authority undermine support for democratic norms, including those forbidding the use of violence for political ends? Scholars have struggled to answer this question, in part, we believe, because they have typically employed proxies for religious deference (e.g. Biblical literalism, worship attendance, and self-reported religiosity) instead of measuring it directly. We develop a new measure of deference to religious authority in politics (DRAP), using the 2024 Chapman Survey of American Fears. We find that (1) DRAP is strongly correlated with support for political violence; (2) other common measures of religiosity (e.g. Biblical literalism and self-reported religiosity) are generally uncorrelated with support for political violence once the effects of our new measure are taken into account; and (3) the positive relationship between DRAP and support for political violence is more pronounced among respondents with low levels of religious participation.
Algebraic effects and handlers is an increasingly popular paradigm for programming with effects. A key benefit is modularity: programs with effects are defined against an interface of operations, allowing the implementation of effects to be defined and refined without changing or recompiling programs. The behavior of effects is specified using equational theories, with equational proofs inheriting the same modularity. However, higher-order operations (that take computations as arguments) break this modularity: while they can often be encoded in terms of algebraic effects, this typically breaks modularity as operations defined this way are not encapsulated in an interface, inducing changes to programs and proofs upon refinement of the implementation. In this paper, we show that syntactic overloading is a viable solution to this modularity problem by defining hefty algebras: a formal framework that captures an overloading-based semantics of higher-order effects by defining modular elaborations from higher-order effect trees into primitive algebraic effects. We demonstrate how this approach scales to define a wide range of known higher-order effects from the literature and develop modular higher-order effect theories and modular reasoning principles that build on and extend the state of the art in modular algebraic effect theories. We formalize our contributions in Agda.
Elected politicians regularly over-estimate the conservatism of their constituents’ preferences. While these findings have concerning implications for democratic representation, the magnitude and sources of so-called “conservative over-estimation” are poorly understood. We show that a novel approach to measuring politicians’ perceptions—which asks politicians to draw the distribution of their constituents’ preferences, rather than provide a point estimate—clarifies the magnitude and causes of conservative over-estimation. While the vast majority of politicians exhibit a conservative bias, our “perceived-distribution” task cuts the size of this bias in half. Moreover, psychological projection counterbalances conservative over-estimation among left-wing politicians but reinforces it among right-wing politicians. Our results raise questions about existing accounts of elite misperceptions and help to identify the psychological causes of conservative over-estimation.
An important question in evolutionary biology and macroecology is whether taxa show systematic trajectories in occupancy, the proportion of geographic area occupied, over macroevolutionary timescales. Past studies have used fossils to document these trajectories, showing a symmetric rise and fall. In this study, I focus on several biases in the analyses of fossil occupancy trajectories that have been unaccounted for. First, better sampling of boundary bins in a taxon’s stratigraphic range, paradoxically, results in lower mean occupancy of taxa in those bins. This is because better sampling allowed more taxa with low occupancies to be included in the mean occupancies of those bins compared with intermediate bins. Second, the possibility that taxa may have incomplete durations within boundary bins could also lower occupancies in those bins. Finally, a bias can also exist when the number of sampled sites is not constant throughout a taxon’s stratigraphic range. I use simulations to show that the first bias can be corrected by conditioning these boundary bins to be sampled in the same way as intermediate bins. To mitigate the second bias, I use higher-resolution time bins to constrain the intervals over which taxa’s occupancies are measured so that they are comparable between boundary and intermediate time bins. I also present an approach that can correct for the last bias by subsampling geographic sites, testing its impact in a simulation. Considering these factors, the occupancy trajectories of marine animal genera look to be a relatively gradual rise post-origination with a sudden decline before extinction.
Efforts to integrate intelligent chatbots into academic courses, particularly for language learning, have been gaining popularity. However, the impact of chatbot-supported collaborative learning (CL) on student engagement and English speaking skills is under-researched. This study explored the impact of utilizing intelligent chatbot–supported CL on student engagement and speaking skills of English as a foreign language (EFL) learners. It investigated how chatbot-supported CL influences student engagement and speaking skills. The experimental group was taught using chatbot-supported CL, while the control group followed conventional CL. A total of 75 first-year undergraduate students participated, with 39 students in the experimental group and 36 in the control group. Data were collected through a 14-item engagement questionnaire, a speaking test based on the IELTS speaking evaluation rubric for both groups, and a 5-item CL questionnaire administered solely to the experimental group. The data were analyzed using repeated measures analysis of variance (RM-ANOVA) and linear regression analysis. The RM-ANOVA results showed that chatbot-supported CL positively affected student engagement and speaking skills. The linear regression analysis further indicated that CL supported by intelligent chatbots influenced student engagement, which in turn significantly impacted speaking skills. The findings suggested that active engagement in CL speaking classes is crucial for improving EFL speaking skills and that intelligent chatbots can be valuable and effective tools for promoting such engagement.
The Antarctic Peninsula is one of the regions in Antarctica that has experienced notable and extensively studied warming since the mid-twentieth century. Meteorological data, although limited and mostly dating back to the International Geophysical Year (1957–1958), reveal dramatic climate changes in both the Antarctic Peninsula and West Antarctica, with the Antarctic Peninsula showing the highest warming trends on the continent. One major manifestation of this warming is the increasing frequency and intensity of extreme warm events. This study utilizes temperature data from the Artigas Antarctic Scientific Base provided by National Weather Service, Uruguayan Institute of Meteorology (INUMET), which have not previously been used or quality-controlled. Data were processed and analysed, and a quality hourly database was built for the period 1 January 1998 to 11 December 2016 for the surface temperature, constructing a complete time series interpolating the data with two other nearby Antarctic stations (C.M.A. Eduardo Frei Montalva and King Sejong). Temperature presented an annual cycle with marked interannual and seasonal variability, with the cold season being the one with the highest variability and the largest anomalies, both positive and negative. No significant trend was found for the monthly mean temperature. A study of warm temperature events was conducted at three points on King George Island, defining warm events and extreme warm events as those in which the mean daily temperature was above the 90th and 99th percentile, respectively, for at least 3 consecutive days. A high frequency of occurrence was found (all years except 2015) mostly in the cold season of the year, and with large interannual variability. In turn, it was found that certain atmospheric dynamics favour the generation of these extreme warm events, and that their occurrence is higher during La Niña years. Although the majority of the extreme warm events occurred during positive phases of the Southern Annular Mode, the statistical correlations were not significant.
This article is about the recent transformation of two powerful, paradoxical, and inseparable narratives of progress that developed in the postwar period: aesthetic autonomy and Holocaust remembrance. As far-right and illiberal parties have gained power across Europe, they adapted these foundational narratives of the liberal-democratic West to assert their own legitimacy and to reimagine the cultural inclinations of the European Union. This article examines how this process has taken place in the reception of Jonathan Glazer's Zone of Interest (2023) and Agnieszka Holland's Green Border (2023)—both international co-productions produced during the repressive eight-year reign of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland. A close reading of these films and their reception in different contexts, exposes a world more complicated than one-dimensional dichotomies between the liberal and the illiberal. Likewise, the reception of the two films makes apparent the entanglement of the national and transnational, as well as a process of translation and mistranslation that takes place as cultural materials move across geographical and ideological boundaries. Understanding such dynamics helps us to comprehend the options for criticism available to artists working within repressive contexts.
This work compares the use of palace diplomacy and propaganda by the rulers of Constantinople and Mexico-Tenochtitlan. It builds on studies of the cultural exchange between the Roman and Sasanian empires from the third to sixth centuries a.d., which led to a diplomatic protocol shared by these two realms. This protocol and Liudprand of Cremona’s account of diplomatic receptions are the basis for comparative analysis. Drawing on Hernando Alvarado Tezozómoc’s Crónica Mexicana and other sixteenth-century sources, this study identifies key characteristics of diplomacy in Mesoamerica. It explores how Mexico-Tenochtitlan employed palace diplomacy and propaganda from the reign of Motecuhzoma Ilhuicamina to Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin. Through this analysis, we find that the diplomatic and propaganda objectives of Constantinople and Mexico-Tenochtitlan had distinct focuses. The Byzantine rulers aimed to maintain their existing empire, while the Tenochca rulers sought not only to preserve but also to expand their domain. As a result, Constantinople’s strategy emphasized palace diplomacy, whereas Mexico-Tenochtitlan’s focused more on propaganda. Despite these differences, both approaches share several similarities. Both began with invitations, and their protocols included the same components: visual (architecture, wealth, and terror), ceremonial (including aural, olfactory, gustatory, ludic, haptic, somatic, and terror elements), and diplomatic (interviews and gift exchanges).
Global North countries have pledged to support Global South countries in adapting to climate change. This support can take many forms, including providing aid (in situ) or accepting immigrants (ex situ). Focusing on the Netherlands, a generous climate aid provider with a high share of immigrant population, we explore how domestic support for an overseas adaptation policy package is influenced by levels of migration and aid directed at Global South countries that vary in their location, as well as economic links with and policy proximity to the Netherlands. Using an online forced-choice conjoint experiment, we asked Dutch respondents (n = 1199) to compare two policy packages. We find that respondents support policy packages with: (1) lower numbers of immigrants, (2) lower volumes of aid, and (3) migrants from countries in geographical proximity (Albania) and shared religion (Colombia), but not Pakistan and Somalia. Moreover, they support countries that (4) import from the Netherlands and (5) have pledged to become climate-neutral earlier, a policy priority for the Netherlands.
Over the past half century, paleobiologists have advanced the estimation of phylogenetic relationships among fossil taxa to explore evolutionary patterns in deep time. This study employs a breadth of phylogenetic analyses, specifically divergence time estimations and character rate evolution, within three blastozoan echinoderm clades: Diploporita, Eublastoidea, and Paracrinoidea. Utilizing reversible jump Markov chain Monte Carlo (rjMCMC) and fossilized birth–death (FBD) models, we investigated evolutionary rates through anatomical subunit partitioning. Results suggest similar rates among the three groups, although Paracrinoidea exhibits elevated rates in several anatomical subunits. The inferred trees largely agree with other recently published analyses, in that the current taxonomy of the group does not reflect true evolutionary relationships. Thus, this study adds to a growing body of literature that highlights the need to revise echinoderm taxonomy. We tested different clock models for each group and found that model choice had strong effects on resulting trees; our findings suggest linked clocks (i.e., the same clocks for all character partitions) had more support than unlinked clocks (i.e., different clocks for different character partitions). These findings indicate a need to carefully consider model choice and rates of evolution when utilizing these types of analyses.
On an Adventide Sunday in 1523, a visitor to Milan’s Duomo witnessed something unexpected. Lay congregants halted high mass by yelling at the priests, demanding that attention remain fixed on their favoured preacher. This and similar episodes are recounted in the Cronica Milanese by the shopkeeper Giovan Marco Burigozzo. Using Burigozzo’s accounts alongside overlooked evidence from the Duomo’s archives, this article traces moments when customary rituals broke down under lay intervention. Such episodes reveal how ordinary congregants experienced, contested and redirected the cathedral’s functions, reshaping the church’s sonic and liturgical space in ways that diverged from its intended purposes.
In a time of polycrisis, internal contestation, and strained transatlantic relations, European identity is timelier and more relevant than ever. Do EU public policies operating in a multilevel governance system contribute to European identity-building, and what can jeopardise the process of identity formation at the level of policy elites? The article adopts a social constructivist and discursive approach and brings to the fore the lacking process of EU socialisation via discursive practices as a key reason leading to failed identity-building. Focusing on EU Cohesion Policy in Wales (UK), Crete (Greece), and Silesia (Poland), the analysis employs primary data and grey literature sources, along with 64 semistructured elite interviews, to show that, despite key differences among the three cases, Cohesion Policy has not contributed significantly to European identity-building among policy elites at different government levels and among the public. This is because the coordinative discourse about EU policies is dominated by ideas about economic goals and practical aspects of policy-making, while the respective communicative discourse is controlled by domestic political elites and the media and is ultimately determined by broader national/regional political cultures about the purpose and limitations of EU membership. Overall, the article contributes to the literature on European identity-building, EU socialisation, and discourse by arguing that the way EU public policies are designed, implemented, and communicated do not favour the achievement of political goals, such as the cultivation of a shared European identity.
Many small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are managed by owners, founders, or small leadership teams. The UK government’s Help to Grow Management Programme (HtGM) aims to improve SME growth through leadership and management skills training to increase firm level productivity. The government’s independent evaluation reports for the HtGM programme show that its aims were broadly met, but there is no empirical research that has reviewed the programme. To address this gap, 46 HtGM programme completers were interviewed on their perception of the HtGM outcomes. Data were analysed using thematic analysis and compared to the government’s evaluation reports. This study’s findings show that a variety of programme activities developed skills, knowledge, and management practices, resulting in improved confidence to lead and drive growth. The analysis adds depth to our understanding how this was achieved from the programme, highlighting the benefits of mentoring, networking and cross-collaboration. Follow-up support is recommended for the growth action plan (GAP).
As interest in the thought of Giambattista Vico increases worldwide, the completion of the critical edition of his Scienza Nuova, in its successive versions of 1725, 1730, and 1744, provides an opportunity to reassess the compositional, textual, and editorial history of the work, and to ask further questions about the work’s evolution. This article first outlines the course of the work’s composition, highlighting the complex history of the 1725 version, and the rapidity and extent of the rewriting which resulted in the version of 1730. It reviews the earlier editions of the Scienza Nuova by Ferrari and Nicolini, both of whom subordinated the 1730 version to that of 1744. The critical edition, by contrast, affirms the independence of all three versions: the article outlines the problems involved in editing each of them. It ends by opening up the question: what was Vico doing when he rewrote the work in 1730?