This article examines the rise of conspiratorial thinking in wartime Russia as a response to a deeper collective anxiety – not merely the replacement of people, but the erasure of narrative agency. While the Russian version of the ‘Great Replacement’ echoes familiar Western themes such as elite betrayal, cultural erosion, and demographic decline, its central concern shifts towards symbolic displacement. Drawing on Mark Sedgwick’s interpretation of the Great Replacement as a stable narrative structure and J.V. Wertsch’s concept of narrative as a cultural tool, this article argues that conspiracy operates here as a means of reclaiming authorship in a national story whose core meanings have grown unstable. The analysis draws on social media discourse, pro-war commentary, volunteer statements, and nationalist media, showing how anxieties are shaped through emotionally resonant storylines of betrayal and erasure. Yet the reassertion of control paradoxically intensifies fragmentation, turning the Great Replacement into a narrative of narrative disappearance – where the gravest loss is not demographic, but symbolic.

Organizational ethical culture, though widely studied, lacks conceptual clarity and precision with levels of analysis. To diagnose the specific conceptual and levels limitations, we assess the state of the science of ethical culture by analyzing 155 articles. Analysis revealed conceptual disorganization, confusion between the conceptual domain and nomological network, and imprecise treatment of levels of analysis. These limitations have resulted in downstream problems with building and testing theory; existing research is affected by unfalsifiable hypotheses, conceptual invalidity, contamination among measures, and incorrect levels-based inferences. To help overcome these limitations, we present a revised definition that integrates the dynamic model of organizational culture with the concept of ethical affordances. We present a multilevel model and describe potential interactions that determine how and under what conditions ethical culture manifests at relevant levels. We conclude with recommendations that will help future research move past these limitations.

Many non-native invasive grass species increase wildfire activity and regenerate more quickly than native species. This invasive grass-fire cycle has severe negative consequences for ecosystems, creating a need to understand how different invasive grass species alter fuel characteristics and fire behavior, as well as effective treatments to control their abundance. To address these needs and increase fire and natural resource management preparedness, we performed a review and meta-analysis of recent (1985 – 2023) scientific literature. We focused on the Intermountain West, USA, where six dominant invasive grass species have already transformed ecosystems, including winter annuals – cheatgrass [Bromus tectorum (L.)], medusahead [Taeniatherum caput-medusae (L.) Nevski], red brome [Bromus rubens (L.)], and Mediterranean grass [Schismus arabicus Nees & Schismus barbatus (Loefl. ex L.) Thell]; and summer perennials – buffelgrass [Pennisetum ciliare (L.) Link] and Lehmann’s lovegrass (Eragrostis lehmanniana Nees). Of the 204 selected articles, B. tectorum was the most well-studied species, treatment effectiveness was the most common study type, and more studies addressed fuel accumulation than fire characteristics. While initial reductions in B. tectorum following wildfire were followed by large increases, P. ciliare initially increased and then steadily declined, and other invasive grass species had no significant post-fire changes over time. Chemical treatments were more effective than other treatments for B. tectorum, P. ciliare, and Schismus spp., though T. caput-medusae had a larger reduction with chemical treatments compared to the other species. In many cases, treatment effectiveness was enhanced when treatment types were combined or repeat treatments were conducted. Both B. tectorum and T. caput-medusae increased to pre-treatment conditions within 3 and 5 years, respectively, though there were no detectable trends for other species. Our results provide comprehensive comparisons of the effect of invasive grass species on fuel and fire characteristics, and much needed insight on effective strategies for reducing their impact to ecosystems.

Theists believe in a transcendent personal creator that is maximally perfect and intervenes in the creation. Deists believe in a transcendent personal creator that is maximally perfect and does not intervene in the creation. One alleged problem for deism is that its God cannot be maximally perfect. A God that intentionally and knowingly creates a world replete with suffering and anguish yet fails to intervene to ameliorate it is not morally perfect. Thus, theism is better off than deism. I argue that the God of theism is in just as much trouble vis-à-vis omnibenevolence as the God of deism. More specifically, theistic responses to why God answers some but not all petitionary prayers either (i) show theism’s God is less than morally perfect in the same way deism’s God is alleged to be, or (ii) are likewise open to deists.

In a previous paper, we stated and motivated counting conjectures for fusion systems that are purely local analogues of several local-to-global conjectures in the modular representation theory of finite groups. Here, we verify some of these conjectures for fusion systems on an extraspecial group of order $p^3$, which contain among them the Ruiz–Viruel exotic fusion systems at the prime $7$. As a byproduct, we verify Robinson’s ordinary weight conjecture for principal p-blocks of almost simple groups G realizing such (nonconstrained) fusion systems.

Over the course of his career, Karl Barth changed his mind on the extra Calvinisticum, moving from a robust early affirmation to a final rejection in the later volumes of the Church Dogmatics. This article traces that theological shift, arguing that it was not incidental but necessitated by the internal logic of Barth’s doctrine of revelation. In contrast to recent trajectories that seek to retrieve the extra in defence of divine impassibility, Barth’s rejection was grounded in a conviction that God’s being is identical with God’s act – most fully revealed in Jesus Christ. This christological pressure led Barth to revise the scope and function of the extra until it became theologically untenable. The article situates this shift within the broader historical development of the doctrine and concludes by exploring its implications for reconciliation, kenosis, and divine ontology in contemporary theology.

During World War I, national pride in France fostered solidarity and increased patriotism. However, after the war, the principles of self-determination and nationality reignited debates among young regionalists about federal reorganization in France and Europe. Federalism was seen as a way to promote peace in Europe and to protect national minorities within the state. This movement crystallized in 1927 when representatives from Alsace, Corsica, and Brittany established the Central Committee of National Minorities in France (CCMNF). The CCMNF advocated for self-determination and international federalism, suggesting that a federation of peoples could replace the modern state system. This structure would let each nationality decide its political status and cultural development. While the CCMNF marked a milestone in uniting minorities around federalist ideas, its efforts were slowed by the 1929 economic crisis and a resurgence of political tensions. This article examines the rise of regionalist federalism in 1920s France and its connection to the broader post-war discussions on self-determination. By placing this movement within the larger national debates on reorganizing the French state, it highlights federalism’s potential as a transformative framework for addressing political and cultural diversity.

There has been a decade-long debate in the studies of Malaysian politics on whether there is indeed an urban–rural difference when it comes to elections. Studies using aggregated election data suggest stark differences in parties’ performance in urban and rural electoral districts, while studies relying on survey data tend to downplay urban–rural differences in voting patterns. Notwithstanding the ecological fallacy problem inherent in studies using aggregated election data, the consistent differences between studies using individual and aggregated data are puzzling, and cast a shadow over our understanding of electoral politics in Malaysia. This article argues that in Peninsular Malaysia the urban–rural differences supported by aggregated election data may have been overestimated due to results being driven by a few large urban centers. Combining survey data from the fifth wave of Asian Barometer and aggregated election data from the fourteenth general election in Malaysia, this article demonstrates that both kinds of data in fact point to the same conclusion. Once we specifically control for inter-state and local heterogeneity in population density, the association between population density and party performance attenuates.

The sequential units of language (i.e. words) have often been characterized by a tension between diversity and universality in the triangulation between information content, length and frequency. Here we examine similar tensions in the sequential units of visual narratives (i.e. panels) by focusing on how many entities appear per panel in visual narratives from the TINTIN Corpus of 1,030 annotated comics from 144 countries (76,000+ panels). Rates of entities per panel differ in regularized ways between styles of comics that cut across global regions, implicating typologically different ‘visual languages’. Entities per panel were also associated with panel size, where greater numbers of entities were associated with larger sizes of panels. Finally, a negative association appeared between panels with different numbers of entities and their frequency, reminiscent of a Zipf’s law of abbreviation. As associations of both size and frequency with character per panel persisted in a uniform way across styles, it implies universal tendencies transcending the diversity across systems, consistent with typological properties of languages.

In this prospective cohort study, trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole direct oral challenge (DOC) for hospitalized adults reporting a low-risk sulfa antibiotic allergy was safe with 75/76 (99%) inpatients delabeled. Within 90-days of DOC, immunocompromised patients were more likely to receive trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole, compared with non-immunocompromised patients (adjusted OR 5.6 95% CI 1.3, 23.0).

Caregiver sensitivity to infant cues is well-established as a predictor of child development. Infants also actively influence their social environment, especially their caregivers, even from their earliest days. Sensory reactivity, characterized as hypo- (under) and hyper- (over) responding to environmental stimuli, is one domain of development that is likely to influence caregiver-infant interaction, due to its role in regulating emotions and responses to both physical and social stimuli. Although sensory reactivity could be an important target for improving caregiver-child interaction, the longitudinal, reciprocal relations between infant sensory reactivity and caregiver behaviors are currently unknown. In the present proof-of-concept study, we examined these associations in a community sample of mother-infant dyads (N = 252) at infant ages 6 and 12 months using a cross-lagged panel modeling approach. Preliminary findings, which will benefit from replication using a validated measure of sensory reactivity, indicated that maternal sensitivity may decrease infant hyperreactivity, and infant hyporeactivity may be associated with increases in maternal sensitivity. Maternal intrusiveness appears to exacerbate infant hyperreactivity over time and attenuate later infant hyporeactivity. The results of this study provide preliminary evidence for the mutually influential nature of infant sensory reactivity and maternal behavior and signals the importance of future investigation of these concepts.

Treaties are the most visible, some would even say the ‘main source of international law’. This is true not only at the global level, but even more so in Europe. However, these treaties hardly explain the idiosyncratic, sometimes exceptionalist ways in which international law is identified, interpreted, and applied in this region. Still less do they explain the disproportionate normative influence of European legal rules outside Europe. Attributing these particularities and imbalances to ‘eurocentrism’ in international law is considered almost a truism these days. Yet, when examining how the European legal tradition translates into positive international law one category of rules has received little attention so far: the unwritten European rules that are resorted to within and beyond Europe. The idea of ‘unwritten’ European rules is not only historically charged but also conceptually vague. However, this article argues that a close analysis of their role is central to both understanding and overcoming the persistence of ‘eurocentrism’ in international law. To demonstrate this claim, the article introduces the term ‘unwritten’ European rules in international law. A historical section illustrates their ambivalent role since the beginning of the nineteenth century. It then analyses the continuing relevance of unwritten European rules in contemporary legal practice. The final section discusses how a common framework of secondary rules can help to distinguish between hegemonic and integrative uses of unwritten European rules, before concluding.

Does deference to religious authority undermine support for democratic norms, including those forbidding the use of violence for political ends? Scholars have struggled to answer this question, in part, we believe, because they have typically employed proxies for religious deference (e.g. Biblical literalism, worship attendance, and self-reported religiosity) instead of measuring it directly. We develop a new measure of deference to religious authority in politics (DRAP), using the 2024 Chapman Survey of American Fears. We find that (1) DRAP is strongly correlated with support for political violence; (2) other common measures of religiosity (e.g. Biblical literalism and self-reported religiosity) are generally uncorrelated with support for political violence once the effects of our new measure are taken into account; and (3) the positive relationship between DRAP and support for political violence is more pronounced among respondents with low levels of religious participation.