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Relative clauses are generally introduced in the archaic Indo-European languages by a relative pronoun. In some languages, this pronoun is descended from a form *kwí-/*kwó-, while in others it is descended from a form *yó-. This chapter surveys the syntactic and semantic behaviour of the descendants of these pronouns in the attested languages. This includes a discussion of both their relative and non-relative uses. The author concludes that neither *kwí-/*kwó- nor *yó- can be excluded as a relative pronoun in Proto-Indo- European, and that together they reflect what was a unitary syntactic category in the proto-language: *REL.
This chapter reconstructs some principal features of relative clause syntax in Proto-Indo-European. Following the methodology outlined in Chapter 2, it pays close attention to the behaviour of the reconstructed relative pronoun, *REL (Chapter 4), and its position in the PIE left periphery (Chapter 5). Moving away from *REL, it then turns to the more general structures of, and relations between, ‘plain’ relative and correlative clauses in PIE. The chapter is rounded off by a discussion regarding the semantic types of relative clauses in PIE and their syntactic form.
The climate crisis demands that we confront the economic models and modes of production that have led us to this precipice of destruction. The concept of climate justice takes into account ‘a variety of interrelated concerns – for the inequitable impact [the climate crisis] has on a range of already vulnerable communities, for participation and procedural justice, for the basic functioning and provision of needs in vulnerable communities, including ecological communities … [for] inclusion, transparency, compensation, and sustainability’ (Schlosberg and Collins 2015).
Applying a climate justice lens therefore requires us to look at the myriad impacts that extractive economic models have on the climate, the environment, and communities’ rights, safety, and wellbeing.
While much of the critique of extractive development has been (appropriately) focused on the extraction of fossil fuels, it is essential to also consider agriculture. In its current extractivist and industrial form, agriculture accounts for an estimated 22 per cent to 23 per cent of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions (IPCC 2023, IPCC 2019). Industrial agriculture is also a significant contributor to the interrelated ecological crises of soil depletion, loss of biodiversity, loss of pollination, and destruction of the global water supply (Shiva 2016). Furthermore, as demonstrated in the case studies explored in this chapter, extractivist agriculture has been rooted in cycles of land grabbing and violence against local communities.
As Oxfam (2016) explains, ‘large-scale monoculture investments seek fertile land with good transport connections. In many places, this means displacing peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendant communities, depriving them of their traditional livelihoods.’
This chapter is the collaborative effort of three Pakistani doctors, all of whom have worked extensively in their home country. Dr Hina is a general practitioner in the UK and clinician and academic in Pakistan. Dr Tehzeeb, a public health specialist, is currently a research fellow and senior lecturer at the Australian National University. Dr. Humaira is a UK-trained general practitioner and educator at Peshawar Medical College, Pakistan.
This case study presents the experience of an anonymous doctor employed at a prominent tertiary care hospital in Pakistan’s capital city. The study, which gained attention in local media, sheds light on how a female trainee overcame significant obstacles and navigated a system influenced by powerful individuals to achieve justice. Unfortunately, not all individuals facing similar circumstances are as fortunate. Additionally, the study underscores the societal and psychological challenges that female doctors encounter when seeking redress for workplace sexual harassment. Understanding this case is crucial for recognizing the need to enhance systemic support for reporting and addressing sexual harassment cases. In Pakistan, addressing this challenge is vital to safeguarding female healthcare workers.
Sexual harassment in medicine is a common, global problem hiding in plain sight. (1–3) It is difficult to detect, measure and eradicate, (4; 5) partly because there is a complex web of medical organisations involved in managing the doctors involved. Multiple organisations are responsible for responding to harassment, but individual policies and processes are often opaque, complex and partial. (6) Survivors describe reporting mechanisms that are difficult to navigate, and many survivors experience considerable harm arising from the reporting process. (6; 7) Few feel there was significant benefit to reporting sexual harm. (8)
For at least two centuries, major development has integrated the island of Borneo into the international market upon which a contested socio-ecological process set forth. Evidence reveals that the increasingly global market, operating through colonial contexts, infiltrated Borneo's economy by exploiting forest products, mineral resources, and essential commodities (Phillips 2016). At issue is the suppression of ‘native’ life by controlling the population, the imposition of economic monopoly, and the exclusion of these resources. This brutal marginalization is still ongoing and marks a colonial legacy, suppressing the rights of indigenous communities.
For example, the current extractivist and modern plantation models have been shown to be racially discriminatory, as evidenced by colonial agrarian policies that have disregarded the rights of indigenous peoples and sought to assert European control over their traditional territories (McCarthy and Camb 2009). The ideas presented in this chapter are informed by my research on indigenous climate justice adaptation in Borneo. As marginalization intersects with other environmental crises occurring at the local level, this chapter focuses on how the spiritual and disenchanted perspectives of the Dayak people remain relevant to ongoing crises and injustices within the context of climate change and the global political–economic system. The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs has indicated that indigenous communities exhibit a minimal level of responsibility for climate change, while simultaneously experiencing the most severe consequences of its associated hazards (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs n.d.).
At the start of this book, we wanted to ensure that readers have the opportunity to familiarise themselves with current thinking about sexual harassment, gender in medicine, and the historical context of sexual harm and its prevention, regulation and management. We are aware that readers will come to this book with particular learning needs and particular areas of expertise. We are expecting that some readers will be survivors; others will have policy responsibilities for managing sexual harms in the workplace or responsibilities. Some may have advocacy roles in teaching, research or policy, and many will come from other disciplines or contexts different to our own.
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), signed in 1992, brings together countries in a worldwide commitment to contain global warming. With the Paris Agreement, signed in 2015, this commitment is renewed and takes on an emergency character, challenging the legal field to think of strategies that establish, in the connection of national and international spaces, the duty to act to guarantee the continuity of all forms of life on the planet. The transformations required on an emergency basis to contain the advance of global warming are structural and lead to the need to rethink the entire production process. The context used in this chapter portrays Brazilian rural development in the face of the climate emergency.
In agricultural production, there is a clear contradiction between the emergence of climate change and the continued exploitation of export-oriented monocultures, known as agribusiness. The history of the word ‘agribusiness’ began in the 1940s at the Harvard Business School, with Donald K. Davis and the intention of creating a disciplinary area of studies on agriculture and business, based on liberalism and aimed at reducing the role of the state in regulation and opening up to private initiative (Pompeia 2021, 43–46). The expression appeared in the Brazilian public arena between the 1950s and 1960s (Pompeia 2021, 87). This period was marked by the debate between conservative and progressive forces about development and was interrupted by the military coup of 1964 (Pompeia 2021, 90).
The Element examines various facets of craftwork in small-scale societies that thrived in much of Central Europe during the Bronze Age (2300–800 BCE). These societies exhibited distinct structures and types of social bonds that formed the social and spatial backdrop for craft practices. Since most Bronze Age villages were inhabited by small groups, all forms of crafting were at least partially communal, fostering the exchange of experiences, skills, and knowledge both within and across different production areas. The public nature of crafting practices also encouraged discussions about applied tools, methods, skills, and the quality of the final products. The author explores overarching questions about communication and knowledge transfer within and beyond small groups, drawing on archaeological and ethnographic data. This includes considerations of standardization, personalization, imitation, seasonality, and cross-crafting. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This chapter discusses the role of men in abuse of doctors by doctors. The chapter considers the role of men at all levels including victim, bystander, perpetrator, employer or those within the regulatory and legal systems. The chapter helps us to understand and look beneath the obvious drawing on the evidence of men’s roles at all levels. It also speaks to the potential of men to positively influence for change and prevention of abuse, as well as drawing our attention to possible risks of abuse occurring. It raises our awareness of the ‘not so innocent bystander’ and the significant potential of engaging bystanders, colleagues, and system leaders into positive action.
This chapter has been written by one of the researchers from a qualitative study on sexual harassment in medicine (Louise Stone), a doctor with lived experience of sexual harassment in medicine, Yoo Young (Dominique) Lee, and a third editor, Elizabeth Waldron who is a researcher in psychology, with an interest in gender studies.
Louise Stone is a General Practitioner (family physician) and medical educator with expertise in mental health primary care, teaching, research and policy. She is a qualitative researcher and has been leading the research in sexual harassment in medicine for ten years.
Elizabeth is undertaking PhD studies in psychology at the Australian National University. They have a similar passion for equity and have been responsible for many of the co-ordinating tasks that have made this multicultural and multinational volume possible. All three authors believe deeply in the role of context, which shapes experience and understanding.
Yoo Young (Dominique) Lee is a radiation oncologist in Sydney and a survivor of sexual trauma. Her case is the only successful criminal prosecution of a doctor who has sexual assaulted another doctor. Her case is discussed in the chapter on Law. She has not only supplied the story in these chapters, but she has written the Foreword of this book. Her story was incorporated into our early studies in this area, and her wisdom has been central to our understanding. Her courage is inspiring.